LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

DAVIS 


RACE  ORTHODOXY 
IN  THE  SOUTH 


N« 


RACE  ORTHODOXY 
IN  THE  SOUTH 

AND  OTHER  ASPECTS  OF 
THE  NEGRO  QUESTION 


BY 

THOMAS  PEARCE  BAILEY,  PH.D. 

FORMERLY  :  ASSOCIATE  PROFESSOR  Off  EDUCATION  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OP  CALIFORNIA; 
UNIVERSITY  EXTENSION  LECTURER  FOR  THE  UNIVERSITY  OP  CHICAGO;    SUPERIN 
TENDENT  OP  SCHOOLS  OP  MEMPHIS;  INVESTIGATOR  FOR  THE  NEW  YORK 

BUREAU  OP  MUNICIPAL  RESEARCH;  DEAN  OP  THE  DEPARTMENT 
OP  EDUCATION  AND  PROFESSOR  OP  PSYCHOLOGY  AND  EDU 
CATION  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OP  MISSISSIPPI 


NEW  YORK 

THE  NEALE  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

1914 


LIBRARY  UNIV:  3!TY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  DAVIS 
LIBRARY 


COPYJUGHT,  I9Z4,  BY 

THE  NEALE  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

A.  THE  RACE  PROBLEM  AND  RACE  PREJUDICE. 

I.    A  FOOLS'  PARADISE  FOR  NEGROES     ...         7 
II.    A    BRIEF    STATEMENT   OF   SOUTHERN    Hu- 

MANITARIANISM 22 

III.  CURING  THE  SOUTH:  SALVE  OR  SURGERY?     .       27 

IV.  THE  CRUX  OF  THE  QUESTION  :  ORGANIZING 

TO  ANSWER  IT 33 

V.    STUDY  THE  NEGRO  QUESTION!     ....  55 

VI.     COMMENT  ON  THE  INDIANAPOLIS  DISCUSSION  59 

VII.    FUSE,  FIGHT,  OR  FAIL? 66 

VIII.    THE  HOME  AND  THE  HABITATION     ...  77 

IX.    RACE   ORTHODOXY  IN  THE   SOUTH     ...  92 

B.  REVIEWS  OF  TYPICAL  VIEWS. 

I.    PHILOSOPHICAL:  MURPHY'S  "THE  BASIS  OF 

ASCENDANCY" 116 

II.    SOCIOLOGICAL:     SOUTHERNISM    AND    "THE 

SOUTHERNER" 149 

III.  PHILANTHROPIC:    "UNCLE    TOM'S    CABIN" 

SIXTY  YEARS  AFTER  ....     ^    ..     170 

IV.  SCIENTIFIC:  BOAS'  "THE  MIND  OF  PRIMI 

TIVE   MAN" 206 

C.  VIEWS  IN  A  CLUB. 

I.    CLUB  FOR  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  NEGRO  QUES 
TION      230 

II.    PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  WATCHTOWER  CLUB     .     238 

III.  THE  NEGRO  FROM  THE  PHYSICIAN'S  POINT 

OF  VIEW 249 

IV.  THE  NEGRO  AND  THE  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH     .     255 


vi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

D.  NEGRO  EDUCATION:  THE  THOUGHT  AND  THE  THING. 

I.  EDUCATION  AND  RACIAL  EQUALITY     .     .     .  260 

II.  A  NEGRO  RURAL  SCHOOL 273 

III.  "SHADY  GROVE"  . 281 

IV.  A  COUNTY  INSTITUTE  FOR  NEGROES  .     .     .  287 
V.  PLATFORM  OF  PRINCIPLES  AND  POLICIES     .  300 

E.  THE  CASTE  OF  THE  KIN. 

I.     SUPPOSED  RACIAL  TRAITS  OF  THE  NEGRO     .     304 
II.    RACE   SYMPATHY   AND   RACE  ANTAGONISM    313 

F.  FREEDOM  THROUGH  THE  TRUTH. 

I.    THE   EXPERIENCE   OF   A    STUDENT   OF   THE 

NEGRO  PROBLEM 331 

II.     THE  NEED  OF  A  NEW  FREEDOM     ....     339 

APPENDIX 

I.    ANCIENT  ROME  AND  THE  SOUTHERN  RACE  PROBLEM  : 

A  HISTORICAL  PARALLEL 350 

II.    NEGRO  TRAITS  AND  THE  NEGRO  PROBLEM  ....     358 

III.  THE  RACE  QUESTION  AND  SOUTHERN  "DETERIORA 

TION"       368 

IV.  SYLLABUS  OF  TENTATIVE  AND  SUGGESTIVE  SCIENTIFIC 

STUDY  OF  THE  NEGRO  AND  THE  NEGRO  PROBLEM    .     376 
V.    TENTATIVE  SUGGESTIVE  SYLLABUS  OF  A  STATISTICAL 

STUDY  OF  THE  NEGRO 383 


RACE  ORTHODOXY   IN 
THE  SOUTH 

A.    The  Race  Problem  and  Race  Prejudice. 
I.     A  FOOLS'  PARADISE  FOR  NEGROES 

(This  paper  was  used  as  a  test  of  public  opinion  in  magazine 
circles.  The  editor  of  a  very  high-grade  journal  wrote  the  author 
in  a  manner  that  expressed  deep  interest  in  the  paper;  he  asked 
for  permission  to  keep  the  paper  longer  and  to  send  it  to  a  "friend 
who  knew  Southern  Conditions."  The  editor  afterward  returned 
the  paper  because  his  "friend"  thought  that  the  present  writer's 
views  were  too  pessimistic,  and  that  the  latter  would  "feel  bet 
ter"  after  he  had  mingled  more  with  "practical  men."  Inasmuch 
as  the  paper  was  directly  based  on  conversations  with  many  de 
cidedly  practical  representative  men  of  both  races  as  well  as  upon 
several  years'  special  field  study  of  Southern  conditions,  the  charge 
of  pessimism  due  to  academic  seclusion  cannot  be  taken  very  seri 
ously.) 

If  the  American  negro  becomes  afflicted  with  racial 
mania,  melancholia  or  paranoia,  the  fault  will  lie  at 
the  door  of  the  white  people  of  the  United  States.  Listen 
to  the  voices  that  come  to  the  freedman  from  books 
and  pamphlets,  newspapers  and  magazines!  One  says: 
"You  are  a  great  people  in  the  making;  you  have  quali 
ties  and  powers  that  the  world  needs;  your  race  is  the 
youngest  and  most  unspoiled;  you  have  made  in  a  few 
years  an  amount  of  progress  that  puts  to  shame  the 
achievements  of  any  other  race  during  the  same  length 
of  time;  your  vitality,  your  patience,  your  adaptability, 

7 


8          mace  fl>rt&oBo*g  in  t&e  §>out& 

your  sweet  reasonableness,  your  childlikeness,  your  po 
tentialities  full  of  promise — these  make  you  a  Chosen 
People.  Only  persevere  and  assert  your  powers,  and 
you  will  win  a  notable  place  among  the  peoples  of  the 
earth."  Another  cries:  "You  are  of  all  people  the 
most  miserable!  Your  physical  stock  is  deteriorating; 
your  fertility  is  rapidly  decreasing;  your  bodies  are 
faster  and  faster  becoming  the  prey  of  the  race-destroy 
ing  diseases;  your  progress,  so  far  as  you  have  made 
any,  is  due  to  the  help  of  the  white  civilization  that  has 
coddled  you  and  without  which  you  would  sink  into  the 
savagery  whence  you  recently  came ;  you  are  not  patient, 
but  dull  and  stupid  and  lacking  in  the  self-assertion  of 
the  people  that  have  the  law;  your  powers  of  imitation 
are  those  of  the  jackdaw  and  not  those  of  the  Japanese. 
You  are  childish,  shallow,  sensual  and  incoherent.  Make 
up  your  minds  to  the  annihilation  that  is  coming  to  your 
race,  and  may  your  end  be  an  euthanasia!" 

And  a  third  voice  exclaims :  "Industrial  education ! 
Own  your  homes !  Prove  that  you  are  needed !  Thrift 
and  honesty  and  purity  will  save  you!" 

How  sad  the  pathos  of  it  all!  As  a  rule,  neither  the 
negro  nor  his  friends  nor  his  enemies  has  studied  this 
most  difficult  and  complicated  problem,  except  in  a 
scrappy  and  unsystematic  way.  "Studies"  enough  there 
are,  but  little  that  satisfies  even  a  tyro  in  any  one  of  the 
many  sciences  that  have  to  do  with  the  Study  of  Man. 
Disputants  seize  on  the  same  "facts"  to  prove  theses 
worlds  apart.  Prejudice  against  the  negro  race  or  in 
favor  of  him  has  very  often  rendered  the  "facts"  mis 
leading.  Avowed  men  of  science  usually  prefer  to  study 
ethnological  peculiarities  in  far-off  peoples  rather  than 
concern  themselves  with  a  question  that  is  "in  politics" 
and  is  so  full  of  snares  to  the  wary  as  well  as  the  un- 


a  4FooI0'  paraDfee  (or  Jl3egroe$         9 

wary.  A  "favorable"  study  meets  with  the  enthusiastic 
approval  of  one  set  of  citizens,  and  an  "unfavorable" 
study  receives  the  praises  of  another  set.  And  yet  we 
are  living  in  an  age  of  organized  science.  Even  such 
"political"  questions  as  the  tariff  and  trust  regulation 
are  receiving  the  careful  attention  of  science  and  scien 
tific  experts.  But  where  is  the  cooperative  scientific 
group  that  is  studying  the  negro  question?  How  few 
are  the  first-class  men  that  are  making  this  most  baffling, 
distressing  and  imminent  of  human  problems  the  object 
of  devoted  and  patient  scientific  investigation !  Must  we 
wait  until  all  other  pressing  problems  have  been  worked 
on  before  coming  to  this  question  of  most  immediate 
human  concern? 

Even  the  few  who  are  doing  worth-while  work  in  this 
field  are  scarcely  cooperating,  and  those  who  seem  to  be 
cooperating  are  seldom  capable  of  doing  scientific  work. 
Meanwhile  clamor  fills  the  air;  the  gap  between  the 
whites  and  blacks  is  widening,  at  the  North  as  well  as 
at  the  South;  money  is  being  poured  into  educational 
and  other  philanthropic  enterprises  in  behalf  of  the 
negro,  while  at  the  same  time  the  dominant  race,  North 
and  South,  is  instinctively  reducing  discrimination 
against  the  negro  to  a  fine  art. 

Truth  to  tell,  this  whole  subject  seems  to  bristle  with 
delusions  and  illusions.  The  negroes  are  talked  about 
as  if  they  were  all  alike.  Even  those  who  call  attention 
to  the  immense  individual  differences  among  human 
beings  in  general  and  negroes  in  particular  are  all  too 
apt  to  lose  sight  of  this  point  when  practical  results  are 
aimed  at.  Some  of  the  negro's  friends  seem  to  hold 
the  doctrine  that  a  remnant  always  and  everywhere  can 
save  a  people.  On  the  other  hand,  those  who  have  no 
faith  in  negro  possibilities  explain  away  "exceptional" 


io         Race  SDrtfjoDorp  in  tfie 

cases,  and  seem  to  aver  that  even  if  there  were  a  rem 
nant  of  good  negroes  these  would  leave  no  descendants, 
or  if  they  did  that  the  idea  of  ten  men  saving  the  city 
does  not  apply  to  the  negro  race.  Indeed,  both  sides — 
all  sides,  for  there  are  many  more  than  two — seem  to 
be  concerning  themselves  with  what  the  negro  may  be 
or  may  have  been,  rather  than  what  he  is  and  has  been. 
Yet  the  man  in  the  street  knows  that  we  cannot  fore 
cast  the  future  except  from  the  vantage  ground  of  the 
past  and  the  present.  This  notion  is  true  in  physical 
science,  and  needs  must  be  applied  to  every  case  of  the 
science  of  man,  in  spite  of  the  unfortunate  fact  that  the 
anthropological  and  social  sciences  have  climbed  only  a 
little  way  up  the  ladder  of  scientific  method  and  re 
sults,  so  that  even  the  simplest  questions  of  "races  and 
peoples"  are  still  in  the  region  of  conjecture  and  con 
troversy.  Bold,  therefore,  the  men  who,  without  long- 
continued  scientific  special  study,  would  venture  on  pre 
diction  in  a  region  where  fog  and  mist  obscure  even  the 
plainest  landmarks. 

Even  if  we  admit  for  a  moment  that  good  work  is 
being  done  in  the  study  of  negro  character,  for  ex 
ample,  how  many  first-rate  men  are  making  a  careful  and 
conscientious  study  of  the  Southern  whites  and  the 
Northern  whites  in  their  respective  relations  to  the 
negro?  Does  it  not  seem  a  plain  matter  of  common 
sense,  for  instance,  that  there  should  be  a  very  pains 
taking  investigation  of  "race  prejudice"  in  the  world 
generally,  in  the  United  States  especially,  and  in  the 
South  most  particularly?  Even  Southerners,  to  say 
nothing  of  Northerners,  do  not  as  a  rule  seem  able  to 
state  their  own  views  correctly  as  to  what  is  race  preju 
dice.  Occasionally  some  writer  makes  a  "try"  at  an 
explanation,  but — well,  nothing  comes  of  the  effort! 


a  4Fool0'  parafltse  for  naegroes        n 

Finot  quite  correctly  states  that  race  antipathy  is  not 
primarily  instinctive,  but  forgets  to  tell  us  anything  defi 
nite  about  what  it  is,  or  to  explain  its  causal  efficacy. 
Other  writers  have  made  various  and  sundry  remarks 
about  the  "former  slave"  factor  and  the  economic  com 
petition  that  has  something  to  do  with  certain  forms  of 
race  prejudice.  But  most  of  the  speculation  on  the  sub 
ject  is  in  the  clouds. 

One  evident  classification  of  race  attitudes  might  serve 
as  a  point  of  departure  for  further  study:*  There  is  a 
race  enmity  to  be  found  mainly  among  those  who  come 
into  economic  competition  with  the  negroes;  a  race- 
pride  which  may  be  aesthetic  and  social  and  political;  a 
race-conscience  that  is  ethical  and  scientific  and  humani 
tarian.  Only  those  belonging  to  the  third  class  can  lead 
successfully  in  the  study  of  the  negro  question,  and 
among  them  only  individuals  who  have  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  first  two  classes  and  a  real  sympathy 
for  them,  as  well  as  an  equally  real  sympathy  for  the 
subordinated  race.  To  take  an  example,  President  Eliot 
belongs  to  the  third  class,  and  probably  has  some  sym 
pathetic  knowledge  of  the  second,  but  has  had  neither 
opportunity  nor,  possibly,  desire  to  understand  sympa 
thetically  the  viewpoint  of  the  first  class.  Some  repre 
sentatives  of  the  humanitarian  group  feel  it  difficult  to 
understand  why  an  illiterate  and  even  vicious  white  man 
should  object  to  dining  with  a  highly  cultured  negro 
gentleman.  To  them  the  attitude  of  the  "low"  white 
man  seems  essentially  illogical  and  absurd;  but  it  is  not 
so  to  the  man  who  knows  the  "low-grade"  white  man 
from  the  inside.  The  whole  picture  changes  when  one 
knows  "what  it  is  about."  Social  attitudes  at  bottom 
are  concerned  with  marriage  and  all  it  stands  for.  Now, 

*  Compare  paper  on  The  Crux  of  the  Question,  p.  33. 


12         Race  £>rtf)oDo*p  in  tf)e 

race  conscience  may  prevent  the  enlightened  humani 
tarian  from  encouraging  in  any  way  the  interbreeding 
of  the  two  races.  Race-pride  will  deter  the  average  man 
who  is  willing  to  acknowledge  the  excellence  of  certain 
individual  negroes.  But  may  it  not  require  race  enmity 
to  prevent  the  amalgamation  of  the  "lower'*  grades  of 
the  higher  race  with  the  higher  grades  of  the  lower 
race? 

Mind  you,  I  am  stating  this  simply  as  a  matter  that 
deserves  study.  If  it  be  true  or  possibly  true  that  race 
enmity  serves  the  function  above  mentioned,  will  not 
our  position  on  the  race  question  be  radically  altered  if 
we  take  this  idea,  even  as  a  possibility,  into  consider 
ation?  I  think  so. 

Practical  men  everywhere  believe  in  the  common-sense 
principle  of  the  adaptation  of  means  to  ends.  But  how 
many  investigators  have  pointed  out  the  inexpugnable 
truth  that  all  our  efforts  directed  toward  the  bettering 
of  the  negro's  life  and  the  development  of  his  charac 
ter  must  be  profoundly  affected  by  the  question,  in 
sistent  and  remorseless,  What  is  going  to  become  of  the 
negro;  what  are  we  going  to  do  with  him;  where  shall 
he  work  out  his  own  salvation  in  fear  and  trembling? 
Some  few  stoutly  declare  that  we  must  get  rid  of  the 
negro.  Various  schemes  of  deportation,  colonization 
and  the  like  are  suggested.  But  these  hints  of  a  radical 
solution  are  generally  so  vague  and  have  so  little  con 
nection  with  accurate  observation  and  reflection  that 
little  heed  is  paid  to  them.  It  is  the  fashion  to  reply 
somewhat  impatiently  to  these  radicals:  Your  sugges 
tions  are  impracticable;  the  negro  must  stay  with  us. 
Sometimes  the  additional  claim  is  made  that  we  cannot 
get  along  without  the  Brother  in  Black,  or  that  he  cannot 
get  along  without  us. 


a  JFool*'  paraDiae  for  H3egroe0       13 

Among  the  negro  leaders  themselves  little  favor  is 
shown  toward  the  colonization  idea.  The  Booker  T. 
Washington  group  and  the  W.  E.  B.  DuBois  group  are 
one  in  rejecting  the  very  thought  of  separation.  Now 
is  it  possible  that  such  able  men  as  Washington  and 
DuBois  have  failed  to  understand  the  temper  of  the 
white  people  of  this  country?  Are  they  misled  by  the 
optimism  of  philanthropists?  Have  they  failed  to  no 
tice  the  growing  social  discrimination  against  the  negro 
in  the  North  and  the  increasing  economic  hatred  of  the 
negro  in  the  South?  And  surely  all  men  see  that  the 
old  affection  felt  for  the  Southern  negroes  by  the  slave- 
holding  class  is  rapidly  passing  away  with  the  departure 
of  the  "old-time"  Southern  people  from  the  stage  of 
life.  Nor  can  even  a  superficial  observer  miss  the  clear 
evidence  that  the  old-fashioned  "human  rights"  doctrine 
is  no  longer  being  embraced  con  amore  in  this  country. 
The  abolitionists  have  left  few  spiritual  descendants,  and 
the  few  have  little  or  no  power  to  carry  out  their  views. 
The  last  introduction  of  a  "political  practice"  Force 
Bill  into  the  halls  of  Congress  was  only  a  perfunctory 
performance  that  was  treated  almost  as  a  joke.  Mean 
while,  the  Southern  states  continue  to  "keep  the  negro 
in  his  place" — without  showing  any  popular  intention  of 
ever  letting  him  climb  higher.  As  Senator  John  Sharp 
Williams  has  truly  said,  the  trouble  lies  in  the  "physical 
presence  of  the  negro." 

On  the  one  hand,  the  conscience  of  the  American 
people  is  not  likely  to  deprive  the  worthy  and  qualified 
negroes  of  any  of  their  civil  and  political  rights;  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Southern  people  show  not  the  slight 
est  disposition  to  encourage  the  negro  in  believing  that 
"some  of  these  days"  he  will  be  held  the  white  man's 
equal  in  matters  affecting  the  rights  of  citizenship.  No 


14         Hace  2Drtf)oDorj?  in  tftc 

statesman  yet  born  has  been  able  to  disentangle  the 
interwoven  threads  of  domestic,  social,  religious,  legal 
and  political  life.  So  long  as  the  negro  is  debarred 
from  the  hope  of  being  valued  according  to  his  charac 
ter  instead  of  his  race,  so  long  will  the  "problem"  re 
main  unsolved. 

But  am  I  wrong  in  believing — i or  I  cannot  now  scien 
tifically  prove  the  assertion — that  all  forms  of  "equality" 
depend  on  social  equality  and  that  the  latter  depends  on 
the  right  of  intermarriage?  My  reading  of  history  sup 
ports  the  contention.  Fustel  de  Coulanges'*  illuminating 
study,  "The  Ancient  City"  (to  take  one  illustration), 
makes  it  plain  that  the  Roman  Plebeians  never  got  their 
rights  until  intermarriage  was  allowed  with  the  Patri 
cians.  Human  life  in  society  is  one,  and  its  basis  is  bio 
logical,  with  all  the  meaning  of  "natural  selection"  and 
"sexual  selection,"  and  with  modes  of  "social  selection" 
to  boot.  Willingness  to  "rear  a  dusky  brood"  is  not 
impossible  to  the  consciousness  of  most  men;  but  race 
prejudice  is  driving  the  idea  far  afield  in  the  United 
States  of  America  and  in  the  British  possessions.  As 
a  rule,  men  dare  not  allow  themselves,  especially  in  the 
South,  to  think  of  such  a  thing. 

However,  without  discussing  the  point,  I  am  making 
the  plea  here,  as  elsewhere  in  this  paper,  that  the  race 
problem  should  be  studied,  and  by  competent,  trained 
minds,  and  with  all  the  methods  known  to  the  biological, 
psychological,  anthropological  and  social  sciences.  It 
seems  almost  cruel  to  tell  ten  millions  of  people  that  there 
is  "a  good  time  coming"  for  them  in  this  country,  when 
the  facts  of  increasing  race  feeling  all  point  the  other 
way.  Even  more  cruel  is  it  to  inform  them  that  they 

*See  Appendix:  Ancient  Rome  and  the  Race  Problem  in  the 
South. 


a  Jfoolg'  paraDtee  for  Ji3egroe0       15 

are  handicapped,  hopelessly  and  finally,  by  Nature,  and 
cannot  hope  to  develop  as  a  race.  "The  white  man 
doesn't  want  the  negro  in  his  way — and,  apparently,  all 
ways  in  this  country  are  becoming  the  white  man's  way ; 
and  nature  does  not  want  the  negro  anywhere!"  Now, 
the  first  part  of  this  sentence,  put  into  the  mouth  of  the 
pessimist,  is  probably  true.  This  is  becoming  true  in  a 
most  sinister  fashion  as  the  years  go  by;  but  surely  no 
man  that  loves  mankind  can,  without  being  morally  and 
scientifically  sure  of  his  ground,  allow  himself  to  accept 
the  doctrine  of  despair  that  condemns  the  negro  to 
ultimate  destruction. 

If  the  negro  is  to  stay  with  us,  we  must  help  him  to 
develop  himself  to  fit  in  with  the  present  and  probable 
future  civilization  of  the  country.  If  he  is  to  go  abroad 
on  the  earth,  or  to  be  segregated  in  American  territory, 
his  training  will  have  to  take  such  a  future  into  account. 
Are  we  not  wasting  time  and  money  in  educating  this 
people  in  the  dark?  Shall  we  educate  them  to  do  eco 
nomic  battle  with  the  white  race,  with  the  practical  cer 
tainty  in  view  that  they  will  fail  in  their  fight?  Or  can 
we  view  with  equanimity  the  thought  of  "high-grade" 
negroes  or  mulattoes  overcoming  "low-grade"  white 
men?  Doubtless  some  are  doughty  enough  to  say,  Let 
the  white  man  go  down  if  he  cannot  compete  with  the 
negro.  But  it  may  happen  that  the  negro's  success,  if 
he  achieves  any,  will  be  due  to  qualities  not  sought  after 
by  the  white  race.  The  Japanese  and  other  race  "prob 
lems"  will  have  to  be  solved  before  we  can  allow  our 
selves  to  harbor  even  the  most  pragmatic  form  of  that 
alluring  doctrine:  "The  devil  take  the  hindmost!" 
After  all,  we  cherish  our  own,  whether  high  or  low. 
The  Congress  of  the  United  States  seems  to  have  thought 
so  in  their  legislation  with  regard  to  Chinese  immigra- 


16         ftace  2)rtf)oDiHp  in  tfte  &outi> 

tion,  and  in  other  ways  that  need  not  be  mentioned. 
Whatever  we  may  say  in  print,  we  Americans  have  a 
"favored  race"  clause  in  that  unwritten  constitution  of 
ours  which  is  more  "national"  than  our  written  docu 
ments.  Even  now  the  Anglo-American  war  cry,  This  is 
a  White  Man's  Country,  is  sounding  throughout  the 
world,  wherever  whites  constitute  a  fair  percentage 
of  the  population.  And  politicians  and  statesmen  are 
being  compelled  to  pay  heed  to  it.  History  should  by 
this  time  have  taught  us  the  significance  of  race  feeling 
as  a  compelling  and  often  a  controlling  factor  in  the 
development  of  peoples.  Our  Bible  is  full  of  it.  Our 
experience  with  the  Indians  has  made  us  familiar  with  it, 
in  spite  of  the  romantic  interest  the  red  man  inspired. 
Armenia,  Austria-Hungary,  the  Balkan  States,  the  treat 
ment  of  Jew  by  Gentile — all  these  tell  the  tale ;  how  is  it 
that  we  have  failed  to  learn  our  lesson  with  those  object 
lessons  before  us?  The  Indians,  whether  "American" 
or  Hindu,  are  interesting  in  a  novel  or  a  write-up,  es 
pecially  when  we  have  no  first-hand  acquaintance  with 
them;  but  woe  to  them  or  their  ilk  if  they  come  into 
antagonistic  relations  with  our  social  or  our  economic 
life!  Though  we  marvel  at  the  wonderful  heroism  and 
resourcefulness  of  the  Japanese,  many  of  us  feel  a  sort 
of  humiliation  that  a  nation  of  white  folk  allowed  them 
selves  to  be  humbled  by  a  nation  of  yellow  people. 

Is  not  feeling  or  impulse  sometimes  a  more  powerful 
historical  force  than  ideas  ?  Must  not  the  noblest  thought 
suffuse  itself  in  feeling  and  get  close  to  the  primary 
impulses  of  the  common  people  ere  it  acquire  active  and 
telling  energy?  The  human  instinct  betokened  by  the 
saying  "Birds  of  a  feather  flock  together"  is  none  the 
less  true  because  man  has  grown  more  cosmopolitan  and 
humanitarian  in  his  feelings.  We  need  a  new  Kant  to 


a  4Fool0'  paraDise  for  I9egroe0        17 

arise  who  will  give  us  a  "Critique  of  Pure  Instinct." 
When  such  a  work  is  written  and  takes  hold  of  the 
world's  leaders,  we  shall  have  no  more  attempts  to  alter 
the  eternal  constitution  of  man's  nature  in  favor  of 
academic  ideas  however  noble.  When  man's  strongest 
acquired  instincts  or  habits  become  suffused  with  his 
strongest  feelings,  as  in  the  case  of  race  attitude  in 
America,  let  all  of  us  pay  due  heed  to  the  phenomenon 
and  strive  to  guide  rather  than  ignorantly  to  alter  or 
suppress.  I  have  already  insisted  that  race  enmity  is 
not  innate,  but  "consciousness  of  kind"  is  instinctive — 
and  kind  and  "kin"  at  bottom  mean  pretty  nearly  the 
same  thing  to  the  average  man.  Nor  is  it  singular  that 
the  Southern  people  especially  take  account  of  the  "kin- 
ness"  of  things.  Their  whole  history  has  shown  their 
feeling  for  the  kin,  their  fondness  for  local  self-govern 
ment,  their  powerful  feelings  about  domesticity.  A 
people  cannot  be  altered  by  law  and  argument  when  the 
logic  of  blood  and  tradition  speaks  otherwise,  and  when 
history  and  social  psychology  give  large  significance  to 
their  point  of  view. 

The  practical  psychology  of  the  situation  seems  to 
indicate,  on  the  whole,  that  the  negro  must  find  some 
more  congenial  field  than  the  Southern  states  for  the 
sphere  of  his  development.  While  few  Southern  leaders 
make  this  admission,  many  would  do  so  if  a  labor  supply 
were  at  hand.  And  do  the  people  of  the  North  and 
West  feel  fundamentally  different  on  this  subject?  I 
doubt  it.  In  spite  of  all  our  manly  talk  about  giving 
every  man  a  "square  deal,"  most  of  us  are  inclined  to 
give  the  negro  justice  only  on  conditions  that  the  giving 
does  not  harm  the  dominant  race.  And  the  very  pres 
ence  of  a  race  in  tutelage  is  a  menace  to  the  character 
of  the  ruling  race,  as  James  Bryce  pointed  out  some 


1 8         JRace  f>rti)Qti0£p  in  the 

years  ago,  even  though  the  decline  of  the  subordinate 
race  may  not  carry  the  dominant  race  with  it. 

All  men  of  good  will  and  higher  intelligence  wish  the 
negro  well.  But  many  are  coming  to  wish  him  well 
away — as  many  miles  removed  as  possible!  And  this 
wish  is  for  the  negro's  welfare  as  well  as  for  the  white's. 
If  we,  the  dominant  race,  after  careful  investigation, 
decide  that  it  is  best  for  both  races  that  the  whites  and 
the  negroes  dwell  in  different  lands,  no  amount  of  money 
is  too  great  that  will  thus  solve  or  "dissolve"  the  prob 
lem.  Better  spend  treasure  equivalent  to  many  Panama 
Canals  than  keep  up  the  direful  tragedy  now  being  en 
acted  in  a  Christian  nation. 

If  our  American  people  have  a  "God-given  destiny," 
surely  we  ought  to  begin  its  fulfilment  by  taking  the 
beam  out  of  our  own  eye  in  order  that  we  may  see  well 
enough  to  take  the  mote  from  our  brother's  eye!  The 
ten  millions  of  defenseless  negroes  have  a  right  to  call 
on  Heaven  for  vengeance  on  us  if  we  fail  in  our  duty 
to  them.  And  surely  the  nation  owes  a  duty  to  the 
"retarded  South."  For  it  needs  no  argument  to  prove 
that  we  white  folk  must  do  the  best  we  can  for  the  suc 
cess  and  happiness  of  our  own  race.  If  investigation 
can  help  us  to  decide  the  fateful  question,  let  us  investi 
gate.  But  we  are  only  shallow  mockers  and  hypocrites 
if  we  strive  to  educate  these  unfortunate  negroes  only  to 
let  them  take  into  their  mouths  bitter  Dead  Sea  ashes. 
If  the  negro  is  not  to  remain  here,  every  acre  he  ac 
quires  complicates  the  problem;  yet  his  advisers,  North 
and  South,  are  telling  him  to  buy  land.  Already  he 
finds  that  he  cannot  purchase  city  lots  that  are  desirable, 
and  the  time  may  be  coming,  may  be  near  at  hand,  when 
he  will  find  it  hard  to  buy  good  land  anywhere  in  this 
country  at  any  price.  More  and  more,  as  the  years  roll 


a  JFool*'  paraDtee  (or  Jl3egtoe0        19 

by,  is  he  being  "ordered  off  the  premises"  in  residence 
sections  of  the  cities  and  in  divers  country  communities, 
and  even  whole  counties.  If  an  owner  of  city  lots  is 
regarded  as  infamous  if  he  sells  his  property  to  a  decent 
negro,  can  we  wonder  if  the  lowest  of  the  low  among 
the  poorer  whites  come  to  look  upon  the  matter  in  the 
same  light  as  that  which  illumines  the  "prejudice"  of  the 
dwellers  in  fine  houses? 

Summing  up  our  thought,  let  us  seriously  ask  our 
selves  the  question,  Are  we  preparing  the  negro  to  dwell 
in  a  Fools'  Paradise  ?  A  small  percentage  of  the  negroes 
are  doubtless  getting  a  kind  of  training  that  will  fit  them 
for  almost  any  emergency.  Industrial  schools  are  doing 
for  the  negro  the  sort  of  service  he  may  need  under 
almost  any  conditions.  But  even  their  work  will  be 
vastly  more  useful  if  directed  toward  a  well-understood 
end,  a  carefully  mapped  out  future  for  the  students. 
How  cheerfully  would  the  people  of  the  whole  country 
give  of  their  money  and  their  service  did  they  know  that 
their  means  and  their  efforts  would  result  in  settling 
the  negro  problem.  And  how  blithesomely  would  the 
better  negroes  work  for  the  betterment  of  their  race  did 
they  know  that  their  people  would  have  a  fair  chance 
somewhere,  somehow,  some  time!  At  present  many  of 
the  negro  leaders  have  depression  at  the  bottom  of  their 
hearts.  How  could  it  be  otherwise,  when  facts  are  so 
insistent  ? 

After  years  of  silent  observation  and  study,  and  care 
ful  reading  on  all  aspects  of  the  subject,  after  long  resi 
dence  in  North  and  South,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that 
we  must  find  a  home  for  the  negro  where  he  will  have 
a  fair  chance,  where  he  will  be  aided  by  us  in  every 
sane  way,  where  he  can  prove  himself  to  be  a  worthy 
race.  If  he  fails,  then  we  shall  at  least  have  done  our 


20         Race  a>rtboDorp  in  tfte 

duty.  If  he  succeeds,  w?  shall  enjoy  the  satisfaction  of 
having  succeeded  in  the  noblest  deed  that  history  re 
cords.  Once  we  decide  on  such  a  course — and  the  negro 
will  help  us  to  decide — it  may  take  half  a  century  of 
time  and  many  millions  of  money  to  prepare  a  place  or 
places  for  him  and  properly  establish  him  therein.  But 
we  are  a  people  of  large  deeds,  and  our  faith  is  such  as 
will  remove  mountains  of  difficulty.  Let  us  not  forget 
that,  while  it  is  our  pleasure  to  extend  our  markets  and 
facilitate  our  trade,  we  owe  a  solemn  duty  to  these 
people  and  to  our  own  people.  Not  for  one  moment 
would  I  be  represented  as  saying  that  my  tentative  opin 
ion  as  to  the  solution  of  the  negro  problem  is  neces 
sarily  the  correct  one.  Much  careful  investigation  is 
needed  before  anyone  can  do  more  than  hazard  a  well- 
based  judgment.  If,  however,  what  I  have  said  helps 
ever  so  little  to  direct  the  conscience  of  our  people  or 
any  one  of  our  leaders  toward  the  painstaking,  intelli 
gent,  scientific,  cooperative  study  of  this  vexed  ques 
tion,  I  shall  feel  that  the  weight  of  responsibility  that 
every  honorable  American  must  feel  in  this  matter  has 
at  least  been  a  little  eased  from  my  own  aching  shoul 
ders.  For  of  all  things  pitiable  it  is  one  of  the  most 
trying  and  grief-inspiring  to  dwell  in  this  sweet  and 
sunny  South  while  the  tragedy  that  is  retarding  two 
peoples'  development  goes  on  around  one!  Praise  or 
blame  for  the  people  of  the  South  are  not  important 
matters.  I  doubt  if  a  finer  stock  could  be  found  any 
where  than  these  Southern  white  folk,  my  own  people. 
But  the  situation  is  too  much  for  us.  We  cry  out  strenu 
ously,  Let  us  solve  our  own  problem!  But  we  are  not 
solving  it;  indeed,  the  complication  of  it  is  growing. 
Nor  can  the  Northern  people  solve  it,  for  they  are  far 
less  equipped  than  Southerners  in  their  knowledge  of 


a  jFools'  paraDfee  for  Ji3egtoe0       21 

the  negroes  and  of  Southern  conditions.  Our  Mace 
donian  cry  must  go  out  to  all  men  who  care  for  human 
beings,  all  men  who  have  apostolic  "charity"  (caritas), 
and  would  not  that  a  single  man  should  be  lost  because 
he  has  not  been  understood. 

So,  while  we  need  not  cease  talking  and  writing  about 
the  negro  question,  let  us  study  it  in  the  light  of  twen 
tieth  century  science  and  Christianity!  If  we  must 
finally  reach  the  colonization  solution,  every  year  of  de 
lay  adds  immensely  to  the  difficulty  of  the  undertaking. 


II.    A  BRIEF  STATEMENT  OF  SOUTHERN 
HUMANITARIANISM 

(Summary  of  commencement  address  to  graduating  class  of  Uni 
versity  Training  School,  Oxford,  Miss.) 

1.  No  person  should  expect  to  be  listened  to  sympa 
thetically  in  Mississippi  or  anywhere  else  in  this  country 
whose  point  of  view  in  regard  to  the  negro  question  is 
not  substantially  that  of  the  American  citizen  and  the 
Christian  gentleman. 

2.  The  American  citizen  believes  that  all  men  have  a 
right  to  "life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happines,"  and 
that  there  should  be  "equal  rights  for  all,  special  privi 
leges  for  none." 

3.  The  Christian  gentleman  believes  that  God  is  the 
loving  Father  of  all  men,  and  that  He  "made  every 
nation  of  men   for  to   dwell  on   all   the   face   of   the 
earth,  having  determined  their  appointed  seasons  and 
the  bounds  of  their  habitation."     (Acts:    17,  26.)     And 
we  further  believe  that  Christ  died  for  all  men,  of  every 
race  and  nation;  that  we  should  love  our  neighbors  as 
ourselves ;  that  all  men  everywhere  are  our  neighbors  and 
brothers  so  far  as  rights  and  duties  and  spiritual  life 
are  concerned;  that,  finally,  if  we  "love  not  our  brother 
whom  we  have  seen" — no  matter  if  his  appearance  does 
not  please  our  aesthetic  sense — "how  can  we  love  God 
whom  we  have  not  seen"  ? 

4.  The  above  view  claims   equality   rights   for  all 
men.     But  equality  of  rights  in  the  abstract  does  not 

22 


Soutftent  f])umattitariam0m  23 

presuppose  equality  of  exercise  of  those  rights  in  the 
concrete.  A  young  man  of  twenty  may  be  an  accom 
plished  gentleman  and  a  useful  citizen,  but  he  does  not 
quarrel  with  the  state  for  not  giving  him  the  franchise. 
Millions  of  noble  and  thoughtful  women  are  not  given 
the  legal  right  to  vote,  even  though  thousands  of  their 
number  are  qualified  to  hold  some  of  the  highest  offices 
in  the  land.  Yet  the  insistent  demand  for  woman  suf 
frage  is  not  as  yet  very  general  among  women.  Expe 
diency  and  the  general  welfare  must  determine  how  far 
the  exercise  of  rights  must  be  held  in  abeyance;  but  to 
deprive  human  beings  of  their  fundamental  rights  of 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  except  as  a 
means  for  securing  these  rights  for  Society  and  Man  in 
general,  is  un-American,  inhuman,  un-Christian.  Nor 
has  pride  of  race  any  justification  in  usurping  for  itself 
the  role  of  Providence  and  deciding  what  shall  or  shall 
not  ultimately  be  the  destiny  of  any  race,  nation  or 
people.  The  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number  and 
the  preservation  of  the  highest  civilization  are  principles 
that  may  justify  the  holding  in  tutelage  of  an  alien  race 
or  people  until  in  the  process  of  time  such  race  or  people 
are  fit  to  exercise  their  rights  in  a  way  useful  to  the 
general  weal.  But  the  pleasure  or  the  convenience  or 
the  prejudice  of  the  stronger  race  is  not  to  be  the  ar 
biter  of  another  people's  fate  for  all  time;  rather  let  the 
enlightened  thought  of  humanity  decide  as  the  years  go 
by  when  and  where  every  people  may  have  their  full 
and  free  development. 

5.  Just  as  the  law  insists  that  parents  and  guardians 
must  show  forth  the  character  appropriate  to  their  rights 
and  duties  in  regard  to  the  children  under  their  charge, 
so  the  enlightened  conscience  of  humanity  insists  with  a 
mighty  and  compelling  voice  that  a  superior  race  has 


24         Race  SDttftoDorp  in  tfte 

rights  over  an  inferior  race  only  in  so  far  as  it  has  a 
responsible  conscience  void  of  offense  toward  those 
under  its  tutelage.  Unworthy  exploitation  of  human 
beings  in  any  form  is  a  spitting  upon  the  image  of  God 
and  a  dire  insult  to  God  Himself  which  He  will  most 
surely  avenge. 

6.  The  Christian  gentleman  or  the  ethical  humani 
tarian  is  one  who  goes  far  beyond  legal  rights  and  duties 
in  his  kindness  toward  those  seemingly  his  inferiors. 
He  knows  that  his  own  superiority,  if  it  exists,  imposes 
upon  him  the  obligation  of  noble  conduct  toward  his 
inferiors — noblesse  oblige.    And  no  more  certain  test  of 
true  gentility  can  be  found  than  real  manliness  and  real 
gentleness.    The  bravest  are  the  tenderest,  and  the  brutal 
are    spiritual    cowards.      The    Christian    gentleman    is 
scarcely  distinguished  by  the  cut  of  his  coat  or  his  gal 
lantry  to  ladies,  but  rather  by  the  way  he  treats  dumb 
brutes  and  the  human  crawlers  on  life's  hard  roadway. 
The  Christian  gentleman  is  a  knight  without  fear  and 
without  reproach,  not  a  harsh  and  arrogant  egotist;  a 
sayer  of  kind  words,  not  a  hurter  of  tender  feelings ;  an 
encourager  of  noble  aspiration,  not  a  scoffer  at  honest 
effort.    And  the  Christian  gentleman's  words  and  deeds 
apply  equally  to  rich  and  poor,  white  and  black.     His 
heart  responds  to  the  tender  words  of  South  Carolina's 
cherished  Hampton,  gallant  soldier,  upright  servant  of 
the  people,  knightly  Christian  gentleman,  who  cried  with 
his  dying  breath :  "God  bless  my  people,  white  and  black 
—God  bless  them  all."     And  yet  Hampton  knew  that  his 
"people"  were  really  two  peoples  and  that  the  whites 
must  rule. 

7.  Thoughtful  experience  at  the  South  is  beginning 
to  admit  not  only  that  the  "appointed  season"  of  the 
negro  race  has  not  arrived,  but  also  that  the  bounds  of 


^umanitariant0m          25 

their  habitation  may  not  be  set  here  for  all  time.  The 
negro  will  not  be  allowed  to  share  the  white  man's 
"season"  through  amalgamation.  No  sane  leader  of 
thought  and  action  desires  such  a  "solution,"  which  is 
worse  than  the  "problem."  Shall  the  negro,  then,  remain 
forever  as  a  subordinate  and  an  alien  race,  to  be  ex 
ploited  in  the  supposed  interests  of  the  white  man  and 
to  have  all  hope  of  free  development  blasted  in  his 
breast?  Surely  not!  The  present  situation  is  bad 
enough,  but  these  "solutions"  are  worse.  And  do  history 
and  experience  show  any  other  solutions  to  be  possible? 

8.  Immediate  and  wholesale  deportation  is  a  futile 
dream.     But  if  the  sovereign  people  of  this  rich  and 
powerful  and  God-fearing  country  decide  that  our  black 
brethren  cannot  in  justice  to  them  and  ourselves  remain 
where  they  cannot  hope  to  become  a  real  part  of  our 
national  life,  then  we  shall  gradually,  carefully,  scien 
tifically  and  thoroughly  prepare  the  negro  and  ourselves 
for  an  inevitable  separation,  and  the  brother-in-black, 
"at  sundry  times  and  in  divers  manners,"  will  find  a 
home  for  himself,  and  under  his  own  vine  and  fig  tree, 
in  his  own  country,  "work  out  his  own  salvation."    And, 
if  he  works  his  own  damnation,  we  at  least  shall  not  be 
blameworthy,  for  we  will  prepare  him  during  years  for 
his  life  apart,  and  all  the  world  will  help  him  find  his 
place,  for  God  alone  knows  what  each  man's  place  is. 

9.  This  is  not  a  question  to  be  settled  altogether  by 
politicians  and  elections.     The  time  will  come  when  we 
shall  know  what  ought  to  be  done  with  the  negro.    And 
when  that  time  comes  let  the  statesmen  and  politicians 
put  into  effect  what  the  best  research  and  the  wisest 
benevolence  of  the  country  sanction.     In  the  meantime 
let  the  negro  "keep  his  place"  and  dream  no  idle  dreams 
of  equality  for  which  intermarriage  alone  could  make 


26         Race  DrtftoDoe?  in  tfte 

him  eligible.  Let  him  rather  gird  up  his  loins  for  brave 
effort  to  make  himself  worthy  of  a  better  fate  and  a 
fuller  life.  Let  him  wait  in  patience  to  be  called  up 
higher  by  God  and  good  men,  and  then  perhaps  in  his  "ain 
countree"  let  him  "make  his  calling  and  election  sure." 
10.  Whatever  his  future,  the  negro  must  be  educated 
for  that  future.  Therefore,  let  us  study  him  and  the 
whole  question,  so  as  to  educate  him  aright  for  his  des 
tiny  and  cause  to  cease  the  restless  agitation  and  suspi 
cion  that  are  now  a  serious  drawback  to  the  develop 
ment  of  the  South. 


III.    CURING  THE  SOUTH:    SALVE   OR 
SURGERY?* 

"It  will  but  skin  and  film  the  ulcerous  place, 
Whiles  rank  corruption,  mining  all  within, 
Infects  unseen." 

Hard  as  it  is  to  enter  the  holy  of  holies  of  a  little 
child's  mind,  it  is  still  harder  to  sympathize  with  the 
incongruities  of  an  alienated  personality;  and  hardest  of 
all,  especially  for  those  brought  up  in  another  civilization 
or  those  who  have  lived  all  their  lives  in  a  peculiar  en 
vironment,  to  practice  the  political-psychologic  art  on  a 
whole  people  when  that  people's  life  is  spiritually  and 
materially  abnormal,  on  account  of  an  impossible  situa 
tion. 

To  read  the  South's  mind  to-day  is  a  much  harder 
undertaking  for  either  Nationalist  or  Southerner  than 
was  the  case  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago.  For  the  South 
has  caught  the  commercial  spirit,  and  the  average  solid 
citizen  will  say  and  do  nothing  that  will  "hurt  business." 
On  the  contrary,  he  adopts  an  optimistic  point  of  view, 
feeling  that  if  outsiders  are  in  a  hopeful  frame  of  mind 
on  account  of  the  belief  that  things  are  getting  better  in 
all  respects,  they  are  more  likely  to  invest  in  the  South 
and  build  up  its  waste  places,  or  at  least  give  it  a  good 
name  as  a  section  that  invites  the  investment  of  capital 
with  reasonable  safety.  These  solid  citizens  do  not  in 
tend  to  deceive  others,  but  they  deceive  themselves.  They 

*  Written  for  a  prominent  educator. 

27 


28         dace  SDrtftoDor))  in  tbe 

shut  off  all  communications  from  their  widely  appre 
hending  social  instincts,  take  counsel  of  their  hopes,  and 
forthwith  become  optimists,  without  fully  realizing  that 
their  optimism  is  shallow  if  not  dishonest,  though  not 
consciously.  Then,  too,  the  exploiters !  There  are  more 
of  them  than  one  thinks,  and  they,  too,  are  often  uncon 
scious  or  half-conscious  in  their  seemingly  altruistic  de 
sire  to  "get"  all  they  can  for  the  South.  One  cannot 
gauge  the  feelings  of  the  Japanese  by  their  silken  smiles 
while  in  the  presence  of  the  "foreign  devils";  nor  can 
one  judge  of  the  common  people's  attitude  anywhere  by 
perusing  the  speeches  and  interviews  of  their  leading 
publicists.  California  withdrew  her  offensive  legisla 
tion  toward  Orientals,  but  does  anyone  suppose  that  the 
average  Calif  ornian's  feelings  have  changed  in  the  least? 
And  is  it  surprising  that  the  state's  fixed  feeling  now 
finds  expression  in  the  Alien  Land  Bill  ? 

Inasmuch  as  instincts  and  habits  and  social  subcon- 
sciousness  are  the  real  determining  forces  in  national 
life,  one  must  not  expect  to  get  at  the  truth  of  things 
Southern  by  a  study  of  individuals'  facile  utterances, 
especially  to  their  guests.  President  Roosevelt  was  once 
received  at  Charleston  with  open  arms  and  the  utmost 
enthusiasm.  When  he  was  asked  about  the  appointment 
of  Crum,  a  mulatto,  to  a  Federal  office  in  Charleston,  he 
thought  he  was  told  that  the  appointment  would  be  ac 
ceptable.  His  hosts  were  in  a  good  humor — for  had 
they  not  expanded  their  souls  amid  scenes  of  wining  and 
dining?  "Let's  not  talk  politics,  but  have  a  good  time! 
You'll  do  the  right  thing  (that  is,  we  hope  you'll  do 
what  we  want  you  to)."  No  doubt  President  Roosevelt 
thought  that  the  Charlestonians  were  "disingenuous." 
And  doubtless  some  of  them  were,  in  a  sense !  Assertive 


Curing  tfte  Soutft:  Saltoe  or  Sutgergf    29 

and  social  instincts  do  much  of  their  influencing  near 
the  margin  and  the  threshold  of  consciousness. 

But,  replies  an  optimist,  does  it  not  argue  well  that 
there  should  be  an  increasing  number  of  liberal  persons 
who  take  a  pride  in  pointing  out  the  evidences  of  negro 
progress,  and  who  profess  not  to  object  to  the  exercise 
of  the  right  of  suffrage  by  high-grade  negroes — does  not 
the  existence  of  such  persons  indicate  a  tendency  toward 
a  better  spirit  toward  the  negroes?  In  such  an  inquiry 
many  things  have  to  be  considered.  In  North  Carolina, 
for  instance,  where  our  Northern  brethren  have  met 
such  "liberal"  persons,  the  negroes  have  been  "squeezed" 
politically  for  a  number  of  years.  Since  the  Wilmington 
riot  the  Republican  party  has  been  able  to  make  no 
progress,  in  spite  of  their  alliance  with  the  populists  and 
in  spite  of  North  Carolina's  having  a  normally  large 
Republican  vote.  We  may  also  ask  what  evidences  of 
change  of  heart  are  these  liberal  souls  able  to  report 
among  the  people  at  large?  Have  not  the  Southern 
states  continued  to  enact  discriminatory  suffrage  laws, 
Jim  Crow  laws,  and  the  like?  Is  not  the  South  being 
encouraged  to  treat  the  negroes  as  aliens  by  the  growing 
discrimination  against  the  negro  in  the  North,  a  dis 
crimination  that  is  social  as  well  as  economic?  Does 
not  the  South  perceive  that  all  the  fire  has  gone  out 
of  the  Northern  philanthropic  fight  for  the  rights  of 
man?  The  North  has  surrendered!  At  least  that  is 
coming  to  be  the  practical  judgment  of  the  commercial 
and  political  South.  "They  are  going  to  let  us  alone; 
we'll  fix  things  to  suit  ourselves,"  is  the  underlying 
feeling  of  many  a  Southern  leader,  even  though  the 
Southern  people  generally  may  not  be  so  optimistic.  Mr. 
Alfred  Holt  Stone,  in  his  recent  illuminating  book,  rep 
resents  the  high-grade  Southerner's  attitude  toward  the 


30         Race  DrtftoDorp  in  tfte  South 

negro  question  when  he  seems  to  argue  that  the  negroes 
should  be  treated  as  a  "peasant  class."  Individual 
Southerners  look  with  approbation  and  sympathy  upon 
the  economic  improvement  of  certain  negroes,  always 
provided  these  negroes  are  "white  men's  negroes,"  and 
"know  their  place."  As  soon  as  these  negroes  begin  to 
"put  on  style"  and  express  their  social  dignity,  even  if 
this  exhibition  is  confined  strictly  to  their  own  race, 
mutterings  and  murmurings  begin.  Let  these  favored 
negroes  take  the  mildest  interest  in  politics  or  any  de 
cided  personal  stand  against  the  dominant  whites,  then 
the  trouble  begins  in  good  earnest.  Furthermore,  every 
prosperous  negro  who  shows  his  prosperity  in  a  way  to 
be  seen  by  the  whites  is  a  focus  for  hatred  on  the  part 
of  the  "lower"  whites,  with  whom  the  "higher"  whites 
are  vastly  more  sympathetic  than  they  were  thirty  years 
ago.  White  solidarity,  ultimately  dominated  by  the  feel 
ings  of  the  majority,  is  the  real  danger  to  the  negro. 
So  long  as  an  individual  negro's  vote  has  no  influence 
and  is  not  the  expression  of  a  demand  for  citizenship 
(always,  historically,  potential  social  equality),  there 
may  be  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  many  individual 
whites.  But  let  the  negro  vote  become  conspicuous,  or 
let  the  negro  show  a  consciousness  of  equal  citizenship, 
then  the  lower  white  and  the  higher  at  once  feel  that 
"this  is  a  white  man's  country,  and  the  negro  hasn't  any 
business  voting." 

The  writer  would  be  greatly  pleased  to  have  an  oppor 
tunity  to  examine  and  cross-examine  more  of  the  liberal 
Southern  optimists.  Being  himself  an  unswerving  be 
liever  in  human  rights  for  all  races  and  an  uncompromis 
ing  opponent  of  the  "peasant  class"  idea,  he  neverthe 
less  feels  obliged  to  say  that  the  low-grade  Southerner's 
feelings  on  this  subject  have  more  reality  and  more 


Curing  tfte  Soutfi:  Saltoe  or  Burger??    31 

validity  than  those  of  the  occasional  liberal  optimist. 
And  why?  The  caption  of  this  paper  and  the  quotation 
from  Hamlet  with  which  it  begins  point  to  the  answer. 
If  the  negro  will  not  be  allowed  to  have  a  fully  de 
veloped,  self-conscious  citizenship  and  spiritual  free 
dom  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  term,  are  we  not  treating 
the  Southerner  "case,"  with  salves  and  lotions,  when  in 
reality  a  surgical  operation  is  needed?  During  the  last 
few  years  the  number  of  well-balanced  men  holding  to 
a  belief  in  the  ultimate  separation  of  the  races  has  ap 
parently  increased.  Why?  Because  of  the  Southern 
man's  underlying  consciousness  that  the  negro  occupies 
space  that  could  better  be  filled  by  the  white  man. 

If  right-minded  men  want  nothing  less  for  the  negro 
than  a  full  and  free  development  of  character  and  citizen 
ship,  ought  they  to  be  content  with  present  tendencies, 
without  making  a  thorough,  cooperative  scientific  inves 
tigation  of  the  situation,  including  a  scientific  attempt 
to  understand  the  psychology  of  the  white  man's  mind? 
We  humanitarians  are  opposed  to  amalgamation,  or 
peasantry,  or  perpetual  friction  and  strife,  as  "solu 
tions"  of  the  negro  problem.  There  are  two  other 
"solutions" :  One  has  been  already  hinted  at — coloniza 
tion  (perhaps  over  a  period  of  a  hundred  years) ;  the 
other  is  a  solution  that  the  present  writer  advocated  ten 
years  ago  to  his  classes  and  in  public  speeches — parallel 
civilization.  Will  it  be  feasible  to  have  a  parallel  civiliza 
tion  for  the  colored  folk?  That,  it  seems  to  me,  is  a 
subject  for  long-continued  scientific  study.  History 
shows  no  instance  of  such  an  arrangement.  New  Zea 
land's  racial  suffrage  is  the  nearest  approach  to  it;  but 
the  problem  is  already  settled  in  this  case,  for  the  Maoris 
are  dying  out.  Jamaica's  "solution"  is  hardly  one  that 
the  white  people  of  the  South  would  agree  to,  even  if 


32         Kace  2Drti)oDosp  in  t&e 

conditions  could  be  as  good  as  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia!  Besides,  the  American  negroes  are  not  Jamaicans 
nor  the  Southern  whites  English.  Further,  Jamaican 
civilization  is  hardly  successful  enough  to  be  taken  as  a 
model  by  progressive  Americans.  It  may  turn  out,  how 
ever,  that  a  parallel  civilization,  with  bi-racial  suffrage 
and  the  like,  may  be  possible  either  as  a  permanent  solu 
tion,  or,  what  is  more  likely,  as  the  best  temporary  solu 
tion  until  the  negroes  can  be  disposed  of  in  a  century- 
long  colonization  and  educational  preparation  therefor. 
The  writer  is  too  old  in  years  and  experience  to  prophesy 
rashly,  but  all  successful  prophecy  is  based  on  insight 
into  social  and  political  conditions.  More  than  that,  it 
sometimes  happens  that  one  can  prove  the  existence  of 
instincts  that  will  inevitably  produce  certain  human  re 
sults.  Well,  the  present  writer,  believing  that  he  had 
acquired  some  insight  on  account  of  his  special  study 
of  the  problems  of  character  and  on  account  of  his  long 
resident  study  of  racial  matters,  has  tried  the  experiment 
of  mentioning  to  a  few  friends  the  thought  underlying 
Mr.  Carnegie's  kindly  prophecy  of  personally  owned 
"sweet  little  homes"  for  the  negroes  of  the  South.  The 
reaction  was  extremely  instructive,  though  it  would  have 
been  startling  to  the  uninitiated  to  see  the  look  of  scorn 
and  contempt,  or  of  smiling  cynicism,  that  was  to  be 
seen  on  the  faces  of  prominent  Southern  educators,  men 
of  culture  and  Christian  nurture.  On  the  other  hand, 
when  it  was  suggested  that  it  might  be  necessary  some 
of  these  days  to  start  in  the  South  the  cry:  "This  is  a 
white  man's  country!  Don't  sell  land  to  a  negro.  Buy 
back  the  land  for  our  children,"  the  reaction  was  still 
more  interesting.  //  something  is  not  done  within  the 
next  few  years  the  cry  will  be  raised  and  the  results  of 
it  will  tend  to  "settle"  the  negro  question — "in  a  way." 


IV.    THE  CRUX  OF  THE  QUESTION;  ORGAN 
IZING  TO   ANSWER   IT 

(Written  at  Conference  for  Education  in  the  South,  after  con 
ference  with  one  of  the  great  constructive  educational  leaders  of 
the  country.) 

An  honest  man  may  be  the  noblest  work  of  God;  as 
suredly  a  well-balanced  man  is  the  rarest.  For  balance 
means  not  only  equipoise  in  feeling,  intellect  and  will, 
but  sanity  with  salt  enough  in  it,  and  ethical  passion  with 
just  enough  prejudice  to  be  human.  To  be  both  inter 
ested  and  disinterested,  intensive  and  extensive,  idealis 
tic  and  practical,  cautious  and  hopeful — these  are  some 
of  the  seemingly  opposite  traits  that  must  be  held  in 
solution  in  the  character  of  one  who  studies  the  negro 
question.  Nevertheless,  questions  must  be  answered  in 
spite  of  the  imperfections  of  the  would-be  answerer;  nor 
will  they  consent  to  wait  until  some  modern  "angelical 
doctor"  adequate  to  the  task  answers  truthfully  and  yet 
suaviter  in  modo.  Be  it  my  office,  therefore,  in  this 
brief  paper,  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  fuller  statement 
to  come  when  leisure  allows,  although  this  present  writ 
ing  must  partake  somewhat  of  the  hurry  and  scurry 
incident  to  "writing  on  the  wing." 

THE   SITUATION 

Two  peoples,  representative  of  the  two  most  widely 
differing  races,  inhabit  the  same  territory,  supposedly 

33 


34         Kace  IXrt&oDosp  in  tfte 

share  common  institutions  and  a  common  religion,  sup 
posedly  stand  equal  before  the  law  touching  political  and 
civil  rights,  supposedly  come  perforce  into  divers  neigh 
borly  relations;  and  yet  the  one  race  is  regarded  by  the 
other  not  only  as  inferior,  but  as  destined  for  all  time 
to  remain  subordinate  to  that  other.  Time  was  when 
such  a  statement  would  have  raised  a  vigorous  if  not 
indignant  protest  from  the  "friends  of  humanity"  and 
from  chivalrous  protectors  of  the  weak.  We  should 
have  been  told  that  in  political,  social  and  spiritual  mat 
ters,  as  well  as  in  rights  pertaining  to  one's  ownership 
of  his  own  body,  a  man's  a  man  for  a'  that  and  a'  that. 
Is  the  old  spirit  of  abolitionism  clean  gone,  and  is  South 
ern  chivalry  become  the  memory  of  a  valiant  gentle 
man's  past?  God  forbid  that  we  free  men's  bodies  only 
to  leave  their  souls  bound  by  the  shackles  of  ignorance 
and  vice  and  severed  from  that  self-respect  without 
which  there  comes  untowardly  the  early  decline-and- 
death  of  a  people's  aspirations. 

And  all  the  time  men  cry  peace  when  there  is  no 
peace.  Though  competent  observers  freely  grant  that 
the  races  are  drifting  farther  and  farther  from  mutual 
sympathy  and  helpfulness,  nevertheless  many  a  success 
ful  planter,  or  investor,  or  owner  of  Southern  land  and 
industries  asks  us  consientious  fanatics  of  the  faith 
humanitarian  and  democratic  to  "let  things  be."  Even 
the  voices  crying  in  the  wilderness  and  calling  men  to  a 
realization  of  their  situation  if  not  to  repentance  are 
afraid  to  cry  aloud  and  spare  not,  because  of  the  feeling 
fashions  of  the  multitude.  Though  zealous  for  human 
rights,  and  even  the  bondman's  human  feelings,  they 
fear  lest  they  may  fail  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  evil 
exploitation  or  of  sectional  disloyalty,  when  they  ex 
press  agreement  as  to  humanitarian  principles  with  influ- 


Cfte  €rur  of  tfte  Question  35 

ential  and  benevolent  gentlemen  from  the  yonder  side 
of  the  magic  "line"  that  until  recently  used  to  part 
brethren  from  one  another  through  sectional  inertia  and 
chronic  misunderstanding.  The  mutual  understanding 
of  Northern  and  Southern  idealists  becomes  an  object 
of  suspicion  to  the  growing  hatred  felt  for  the  negroes 
on  the  part  of  the  masses  of  the  people  North  and  South. 

The  South  is  the  most  "democratic"  portion  of  the 
Union,  and  yet  appears  to  the  world  to  suppress  those 
whose  erstwhile  masters  found  for  the  principle  that  all 
human  beings  have  certain  inalienable  rights  and  that 
taxation  without  representation  is  tyranny.  Democracy 
has  dressed  herself  in  the  arrogant  habit  of  the  aristo 
crat  by  the  grace  of  God.  Then,  too,  this  same  favored 
South  is  the  most  religious  section  of  the  country.  And 
yet,  by  some  strange  and  unheralded  revelation  made 
only  to  certain  publicists  and  their  kind,  we  are  told  that 
God  intended  the  negro  to  be  the  servant  of  the  whites — 
or  to  be  "peasantry" — or  to  be  everlastingly  subordi 
nated  in  vital  ways.  Conceive,  if  you  can,  of  a  God 
whose  predestinating  hand  condemns  a  whole  race  of 
immortal  spirits  to  the  eternal  punishment  of  spiritual 
slavery!  If  the  negro  is  content  to  be  thus  disposed  of 
by  these  very  modern  readers  of  the  Almighty  Mind, 
the  prophet  exclaims,  "Said  I  not  that  he  has  no  future; 
look  how  he  behaves — like  an  unthinking  beast,  without 
that  self-respect  that  makes  a  man  a  man."  And  if  the 
negro  asserts  himself  the  soothsaying  representative  of 
Eternal  Love  cries  out,  "Back  to  your  place,  nigger! 
You  are  trying  to  get  social  equality  and  to  destroy  our 
civilization." 

A  study  of  the  situation  will  show  that  comparatively 
few  ordinary  Southerners  believe  from  the  heart  in 
negro  education  of  any  liberal  sort  or  description  what- 


36         EUce  Cttt&oDosp  in  tfte  8>outib 

soever;  while  the  few  who  really  believe  that  all  human 
beings  should  be  educated  with  one  voice  acclaim  the 
demand  of  Booker  Washington  for  industrial  educa 
tion.  But  no  one  has  perceived  any  general  eagerness 
on  the  part  of  Southern  communities  to  give  the  "only 
kind  of  education  that  a  nigger  is  fit  for."  Truth  to 
say,  much  of  this  commendation  of  Washington's  views 
is  based  upon  the  thought  that,  if  "what  the  negroes 
need"  is  industrial  education,  then  it  follows  that  they 
need  no  other  kind,  and  will  perhaps  keep  away  from 
the  white  man  and  his  very  delicate  and  sensitive  "civili 
zation." 

The  uncritical  man  reading  the  above  might  classify 
the  writer  as  a  Northern  man  and  a  negrophilist !  And 
yet,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  he  is  a  Southerner  of  the  South 
erners,  of  the  straitest  sect  of  "white  supremacy,"  and 
in  addition  has  observed  for  years  the  Northern  feeling 
of  repulsion  for  any  sort  of  physical  proximity  to  the 
negro.  Moreover,  this  same  writer  is  deeply  and  intrin 
sically  sympathetic  with  the  Southern  "orthodox"  atti 
tude,  believes  it  to  be  rational  at  bottom,  and  would  not 
change  the  status  quo  in  the  South  to-morrow  if  he 
could  do  so  with  one  wave  of  the  magician's  wand! 
To  your  tents,  O  Israel!  The  Chosen  American  must 
rule! 

Earnest  and  careful  students  of  the  negro  question 
who  have  occupied  themselves  with  the  ethical  and 
psychological  aspects  of  the  problems  will  have  reached 
the  conclusion  that  nothing  is  contradictory  or  para 
doxical  enough  to  be  waved  aside  as  unmeaning  and  not 
worth  investigation.  I  plead  guilty  to  the  seeming  speak 
ing  of  foolishness  and  throw  myself  upon  the  mercy  of 
the  court — the  enlightened  mind  of  the  sincere  student 
of  the  most  difficult,  complex  and  dangerous  of  human 


Cfte  Crus  of  t&e  £Xue0tion  37 

situations.  In  this  paper  I  must  attempt  to  show  a  real 
reasonableness  underlying  this  apparent  blind  contra- 
dictoriness  and  strive  at  once  to  explain  and  to  justify 
my  attitude. 


THE   SOUTHERN   WHITE  MAN'S   MIND 

The  real  problem  is  not  the  negro,  but  the  white  man's 
attitude  toward  the  negro.  Most  observers  find  no 
trouble  in  understanding,  and  even  sympathetically,  the 
Southerner's  prejudice  against  "social  equality."  What 
ever  the  ultimate  explanation,  one  can  with  a  show  of 
reasonableness  postulate  such  a  principle  of  explanation 
as  the  lack  of  a  larger  human  sympathy  in  trying  to  find 
a  basis  for  social  discrimination  against  the  negro;  or 
he  may  resort  to  the  theory  of  caste,  or  that  of  aesthetic 
dislike,  or  what  not.  But,  asks  the  dispassionate  ob 
server,  what  has  "social  equality"  to  do  with  the  suffrage 
and  political  rights  in  general?  Social  privileges  are 
an  affair  of  choice,  custom,  convention,  fashion  and  the 
like;  then  why  should  we  pay  any  serious  attention  to 
the  man  who  seems  to  confound  the  social  with  the 
political  ? 

The  whites  used  to  contend  that  the  ignorant  negro 
voter  was  the  real  menace.  Said  they,  we  cannot  afford 
to  allow  an  ignorant  and  often  vicious  horde  to  en 
danger  our  civilization.  Such  a  plea  seemed  reasonable 
enough.  In  fact,  almost  every  thinker,  North  and  South, 
negro  and  white,  assumes  nowadays  that  the  Southern 
suffrage  laws,  so  far  as  they  disfranchise  only  the  ignor 
ant  voter,  irrespective  of  race,  are  wise  and  proper. 
Some  even  go  so  far  as  to  excuse  or  at  least  palliate  the 
offensiveness  of  a  law  that  strives  to  save  the  privilege  of 


38         Eace  2Drt&oDo*g  in  tfte 

the  suffrage  for  the  ignorant  white  man,  on  the  ground 
that  though  unlettered  and  even  illiterate,  he  may  have 
some  degree  of  real  political  instinct  and  judgment  in 
spite  of  his  uneducated  condition.  And  all  Southern 
states  do  not  have  the  "Grandfather  Clause,"  perhaps 
caring  more  to  shut  out  the  negroes  than  to  give  privi 
leges  to  the  illiterate  whites.  The  "understanding" 
clause,  or  the  poll-tax  provision,  may  be  regarded  as 
advisable  psychological  methods  of  discriminating 
against  the  negro.  Waiving,  for  the  sake  of  argument, 
the  claims  just  made,  I  assert,  without  fear  of  being 
contradicted  by  competent  observers,  that  the  Southern 
whites  in  the  mass  do  not  want  any  negro  to  vote  under 
any  circumstances.  Point  out  to  them  that  the  negro 
voter  is  no  longer  a  menace  to  good  government,  and 
their  reply  is  that  "the  negro  has  no  use  for  the  fran 
chise,  anyhow." 

A  good  illustration  of  this  was  to  be  observed  in 
Georgetown,  S.  G,  some  years  ago.  I  found  that  the 
younger  white  voters  were  bent  on  causing  trouble  at 
the  polls  during  a  municipal  election.  I  inquired 
whether  they  feared  that  the  negroes  might  carry  the 
election.  The  reply  was  in  the  negative.  The  "audac 
ity"  and  "impertinence"  of  the  negroes  in  "daring"  or 
"presuming"  to  vote  was  the  trouble.  The  spontaneous 
remarks  of  average  citizens  and  the  express  utterances 
of  influential  leaders,  such  as  Tillman  and  Hoke  Smith, 
who  are  really  representative  of  the  tendencies  of  the 
Southern  masses,  point  in  the  same  direction.  So  I 
think  that  we  may  assume  that  the  great  majority  of 
the  Southern  whites  resent  negro  citizenship  whenever 
expressed  in  a  gmrc-representative  (racial)  capacity. 
If  it  be  true  that  the  suffrage  is  the  lineal  descendant  of 
the  club  and  the  fist,  as  defenders  of  the  home,  then 


Cfte  Cms  of  tfte  £Xue0tion  39 

we  may  connect  together  the  following  indications :  The 
disfranchisement  of  the  negro;  the  disbandment  of  col 
ored  militia  in  the  South;  the  strong  Southern  feeling 
against  the  enlistment  of  negro  soldiers  in  the  United 
States  army ;  Southern  opposition  to  negro  office-holding 
and  jury  duty. 

Voting,  whatever  its  origin,  is  the  expression  of  the 
sovereign  rights  of  the  free  citizen.  When  a  man  votes 
he  practically  says  to  every  other  man  in  the  commu 
nity,  "I  am  as  good  as  you  are  before  the  law."  Now 
this  is  just  what  the  average  Southern  white  man  wishes 
to  deny  in  the  case  of  the  negro,  so  far  as  active  citizen 
ship  is  concerned.  In  effect  he  says,  "You  are  not  my 
equal  as  a  citizen  and  you  shan't  pretend  that  you  are. 
If  you  vaunt  your  equality  at  the  ballot  box  there's  no 
telling  what  other  claims  you  will  be  making  next. 
Efface  yourself  and  keep  in  your  place  as  a  subordinate 


race." 


But  why  does  the  white  wish  the  negro  to  remain 
subordinate,  in  spite  of  the  former's  passionate  belief  in 
democracy  and  evangelical  Christianity?  Practically 
every  white  man  will  reject  the  explanation  that  he 
doesn't  want  a  "race  of  former  slaves"  to  enjoy  political 
equality  with  himself.  Such  an  explanation  is  some 
times  made  at  the  North  and  at  the  South,  but  not, 
ordinarily,  by  the  average  Southern  whites  in  spon 
taneous  conversation. 

This  passionate  aversion  to  negro  suffrage  has  grown 
in  proportion  as  social  class  lines  among  the  whites  have 
become  obliterated.  For  instance,  the  Tillman  move 
ment  in  South  Carolina  and  the  Vardaman  movement 
in  Mississippi  carried  with  them  the  cry  that  the  Demo 
cratic  party  is  a  "white  man's  party."  Hence,  under 
the  influence  of  the  "extremist"  leaders,  the  rules  of  the 


40         Race  DrtftoDOEp  in  tfte 


Democratic  primaries  in  these  two  states  read  all  negroes 
—  including  negroes  who  have  hitherto  passed  as  "Demo 
crats"  —  out  of  participation  in  the  primaries.  In  the 
seventies  negro  Democrats  were  highly  esteemed  and 
their  votes  were  sought.  In  proportion  as  the  ranks  of 
the  humbler  whites  achieved  more  and  more  success  as 
practical  factors  in  politics,  the  negro  —  to  use  a  term 
made  famous  in  Dr.  Prince's  "Dissociation  of  a  Per 
sonality"  —  became  "squeezed."  He  is  not  even  allowed 
to  become  a  sort  of  subconsciousness  or  penumbral  "co- 
consciousness."  He  must  relapse  into  complete  political 
unconsciousness,  and  is  to  be  counted  only  to  keep  a 
quorum.  In  fine,  disfranchisement  of  the  negroes  has 
been  concomitant  with  the  growth  of  political  and  social 
solidarity  among  the  whites.  The  more  white  men 
recognize  sharply  their  kinship  with  their  fellow  whites, 
and  the  more  democracy  in  every  sense  of  the  term 
spreads  among  them,  the  more  the  negro  is  compelled 
to  "keep  his  place"  —  a  place  that  is  being  gradually  nar 
rowed  in  the  North  as  well  as  in  the  South. 

Thus  it  has  come  to  pass  that  political  privilege  is 
instinctively  regarded  as  the  legal  expression  of  a  poten 
tial  social  equality.  This  feeling  is  especially  keen  in 
the  South  because  the  people  are  social  in  their  political 
activities.  Picnics  and  barbecues  are  common  and  popu 
lar;  social  classes  of  all  kinds  freely  mingle  at  times; 
the  "professional"  politician  is  ordinarily  more  of  a 
"hero"  and  less  of  a  grafter  and  exploiter  than  in  the 
large  cities  of  the  North;  the  identification  of  a  party 
with  a  race  has  become  complete  ;  the  belief  in  that  race 
as  the  "chosen  people  of  God"  is  practically  an  unwrit 
ten  creed  stronger  than  ecclesiastical  dogma.  Indeed,  at 
the  South,  "white  supremacy"  is  an  integral  part  of  the 
religious  consciousness,  as  much  so  as  is  racial  faith 


Cfte  Crur  of  tfte  £\ue0tion  41 

among  the  Jews  or  among  the  Boers.  Now,  recall  the 
Hebrew  belief  so  often  expressed  by  the  biblical  writers 
that  God  punished  the  chosen  people  because  they  did 
not  exterminate  the  Canaanite  tribes,  and  one  has  an 
ancient  picture  on  a  large  canvas  of  the  at  present  less 
virulent  feeling  of  the  Southerner,  that  the  chosen 
people  must  sustain  their  God-given  supremacy,  come 
what  will — "they  the  heirs  of  all  the  ages  in  the  fore 
most  files  of  time."  George  Washington  was  the  father 
of  the  white  man's  country,  not  the  negro's  country; 
"my  country"  of  the  national  hymn  is  not  the  negro's 
"sweet  land  of  liberty" ;  Jamestown  and  Plymouth  Rock 
were  in  no  respects  beginnings  of  a  negro  "native  land." 
Professor  Burgess's  definition  of  a  "nation"  is  acceptable 
to  the  South,  for  it  stresses  community  of  descent  and 
tradition.  Even  the  "coon  song"  expresses  comically  the 
tragic  fact  that  "every  nation  has  a  flag  but  the  coon." 
The  etymological  meaning  of  "nation"  (birth)  is  the 
one  to  which  the  Southern  people  adhere.  And  shall 
we  say  that  they  are  historically  and  psychologically, 
even  biologically,  unreasonable?  The  negroes,  indeed, 
are  aliens  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  and  aliens  that 
cannot  be  assimilated.  In  the  body  politic  they  are  inor 
ganic  substances  that  cannot  be  either  digested  or  got 
rid  of,  and  tending  to  become  virulent  poisons !  At  heart 
the  white  man's  fear  is  not  objective  "social  equality." 
He  does  not  believe  that  the  negro  race  can  ever  be  the 
equal  of  the  white  race  in  any  worth-while  way.  But 
he  shrinks  from  social  contact  except  on  a  well-defined 
basis  of  "white  supremacy";  it  is  the  negro's  assertion, 
present  or  possible,  of  his  equal  racial  worth — this  it 
is  that  irritates  the  white  man,  for  assertions  tend  to 
become  far-reaching  acts. 

Now,  this  principle  of  white  supremacy  is  not  a  new 


42         Race  £Drtf)oDo£p  in  tfte 


thing.  It  is  not  only  a  result  of  white  superiority,  but 
also  of  civic  order  and  the  public  weal.  Even  the  declara 
tion  of  the  French  revolutionists  and  the  Virginia  Bill 
of  Rights,  while  maintaining  the  doctrine  of  liberty, 
equality  and  fraternity,  distinctly  state  that  the  public 
safety  and  the  public  weal  must  always  determine  the 
realization  and  expression  of  human  rights.  In  the 
family  relations  the  wife  and  minor  children  do  not 
practice  their  "inalienable  rights"  in  the  same  manner 
that  adult  males  do.  Rights  are  relative  to  public  wel 
fare.* 

Historically,  political  and  social  relations  have  ever, 
at  least  potentially,  been  closely  connected.  The  plebeians 
in  ancient  Rome  got  their  political  rights  through  the 
assertion  of  social  rights  and  in  connection  with  inter 
marriage.  The  first  fruit  of  plebeian  political  rights 
was  the  repeal  of  the  anti-amalgamation  laws.  And  let 
us  remember  that  in  Greece  and  Rome,  as  well  as  India, 
it  is  probable  that  caste  originated  in  racial  differences. 
In  England,  too,  to  take  a  more  modern  instance,  from 
the  time  of  the  Norman  Conquest  until  the  present,  so 
cial  and  political  relations  have  gone  hand  in  hand,  and 
amalgamation  has  tended  to  solve  all  social-political 
problems.  The  average  Southerner  doesn't  know  much 
about  such  history,  but  he  has  the  instincts  that  have 
made,  are  making  and  will  make  history.  For,  say  what 
we  will,  may  not  all  the  equalities  be  ultimately  based 
on  potential  social  equality,  and  that  in  turn  on  inter 
marriage  ?  Here  we  reach  the  real  crux  of  the  question. 

If  there  were  a  blindly  instinctive  basis  for  racial  dis 
like,  not  much  could  be  urged  in  extenuation  of  the 
anxiety  felt  by  Southern  racial  orthodoxy.  But  even 

*  See  Ritchie,  Natural  Rights,  and  J.  F.  Stephen,  Liberty,  Equal 
ity  and  Fraternity. 


Cfte  Cms  of  t&e  £Xue0tion  43 

the  high-souled  Tennyson,  in  "Locksley  Hall,"  draws  a 
picture  of  the  reckless,  disappointed  youth  who  has  an 
impulse  to  wed  a  dusky  maiden  and  rear  a  dusky  brood. 
It  is  just  because  primary  race  feeling  is  not  deeply 
based  in  human  instinct,  whereas  the  mating  instinct  is 
so  based,  that  a  secondary  racial  feeling,  race-pride, 
comes  in  from  a  more  developed  reflective  consciousness 
to  minimize  the  natural  instinct  for  amalgamation. 

Bad,  even  fiendish,  as  race  prejudice  may  become,  it 
may  have  its  part  to  play  in  default  of  some  higher 
force,  in  the  conventional  life  of  the  soul  among  nations. 
And  "secondary  instincts"  often  perform  an  important 
function  in  nullifying  or  inhibiting  primary  instincts.* 

*  Southerners  do  not  ordinarily  have  the  biological  and  esthetic 
repulsion  that  is  usually  felt  by  Northerners  toward  the  Negro. 
Familiarity,  in  biological  matters  at  least,  sometimes  breeds  com 
plaisance  or  indifference  rather  than  contempt.  And  the  memory 
of  ante-bellum  concubinage  and  a  tradition  of  animal  satisfaction 
due  to  the  average  negro  woman's  highly  developed  animalism  are 
factors  still  in  operation.  Not  a  few  "respectable"  white  men  have 
been  heard  to  express  physiological  preference  for  negro  women. 
If,  therefore,  animal  appetite  may  become  more  powerful  than  race 
pride,  it  is  not  surprising  that  race  hatred  is  superinduced  in  those 
who  offend  against  race  purity;  for  abnormal  sexuality  easily  de 
velops  brutality.  The  race  hatred  of  white  offenders  is  an  in 
stinctive  effort  to  neutralize  the  social  effects  of  an  impulse  that 
would  ordinarily  tend  toward  the  legitimation  of  amalgamation. 
Under  the  influence  of  race  enmity,  even  concubinage  tends  to  give 
place  to  impersonal  and  infertile  forms  of  animal  satisfaction. 
Thus  the  element  of  kindliness  that  often  belongs  to  concubinage 
yields  to  a  mere  animal  convenience  that  may  be  consistent  with 
race  enmity  on  the  part  of  the  white  offender.  Of  course  the  in 
crease  of  race  hatred  has  the  net  result  of  decreasing  the  amount 
of  interracial  vice.  Thus  does  the  negro  woman  become  more 
and  more  a  cheap  convenience  of  the  occasional  sort,  and  the 
purity  of  the  white  race  is  protected  at  the  expense  of  the  white 
man's  appreciation  of  the  negro  woman's  personality. 


44        Kace  SDrtfioBo*?  in  t&e 

In  this  connection  it  will  be  useful  to  classify  roughly 
the  various  manifestations  of  race  prejudice.*  (i) 
Race  enmity  is  largely  based  on  economic  competition 
with  those  regarded  as  interlopers  who  do  not  belong  to 
the  "caste  of  the  kin"  (as  I  am  in  the  habit  of  calling 
white  solidarity).  Inasmuch  as  human  relations  are 
organically  connected,  it  usually  happens  that  when  un 
like  peoples  come  into  industrial  competition  the  feeling 
of  unlikeness — "I  do  not  like  thee,  Dr.  Fell;  the  reason 
why  I  cannot  tell" — becomes  sharpened  by  the  laws  of 
association  and  contrast,  and  economic  hate  easily  be 
comes  social  hate.  For  example,  note  the  race  feeling 
against  the  Chinese,  cured  by  exclusion  of  the  Mongols 
and  followed  by  a  similar  outbreak  against  the  Japanese. 
In  the  latter  case  the  "superiority"  of  the  Japanese  adds 
fuel  to  the  flames,  just  as  the  attempt  to  show  forth  the 
wonderful  performances  of  gifted  negroes  often  seems 
to  accentuate  the  average  Southerner's  antagonism 
toward  the  negroes  as  a  race.  Consciousness  of  compe 
tition  quite  easily  develops  into  the  feeling  that  the 
lowest  white  man  is  incomparably  (withal  representa 
tively)  superior  to  the  highest  negro.  Here  we  have 
federal  racial  solidarity  with  a  vengeance!  (Compare 
certain  forms  of  the  evangelical  doctrine  of  the  Atone 
ment.)  Sympathy  with  the  lower  whites,  as  it  increases 
with  growing  political  and  social  solidarity,  results  in 
contagious  increase  of  race  enmity  among  the  higher 
whites.  (Compare  books  on  social  psychology,  chapters 
on  social  suggestions,  the  "Mob  Mind,"  etc.)  Personal 
suffering  due  to  negro  criminality  still  further  recruits 
from  the  higher  grades  the  ranks  of  this  lowest  and 

*I  apologize  to  the  general  reader  for  discussing  this  topic  at 
all,  and  to  the  student  of  the  negro  question  for  not  discussing  it 
more  fully. 


Cfte  Crur  of  tfje  £Xue0tion  45 

therefore  most  dangerous  level  of  race  feeling,  which 
nevertheless  is  possibly  the  only  form  that  can  success 
fully  prevent  the  animal  passions  of  the  morally  less 
developed  whites  from  tending  toward  social  mingling 
with  negroes  and  the  ultimate  effacement  of  the  protec 
tive  "color  line." 

(2)  Race  Pride.  Most  members  of  the  better  class 
of  citizenship  in  the  South  belong  to  this  class,  although 
here,  as  in  all  such  classifications,  there  is  much  over 
lapping.  Not  a  few  of  the  uneducated  classes,  especially 
those  whose  humanitarianism  is  genuine  and  practical, 
are  by  nature  inclined  toward  race  antipathy,  but  have 
a  conscience  culture  developed  toward  a  higher  attitude. 
The  resultant  is  a  respectable  form  of  race  pride.  On 
the  other  hand,  some  of  the  highest  types  of  mind  are 
drawn  toward  a  view  much  lower  than  the  highest  on 
account  of  personal  experience  with  race  contact  of  the 
bitter  sort.  Race  pride  is  social  and  aesthetic  in  its 
origin  rather  than  economic,  though  at  all  times  liable 
to  drift  toward  race  enmity  on  account  of  economic 
competition  or  the  untoward  personal  experiences  above 
referred  to.  Pride  of  race  seems  to  be  a  form  of  racial 
self-respect  and  loyalty  to  traditions  and  institutions. 
However,  it  can  seldom  give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that 
is  in  it.  Hence  the  "average  solid  citizen"  is  not  able 
to  account  for  his  seeming  inconsistency  in  his  treat 
ment  of  the  finer  types  of  the  negro  race.  While  he 
frankly  admits  the  validity  of  enlightened  moral  prin 
ciples,  he  fails  to  explain  the  subconscious  relation  of 
"equalities"  to  one  another;  nor  does  he  clearly  see  the 
social-psychological  principles  that  give  some  sort  of 
validity  to  an  extension  of  the  biblical  insight  that  no 
man  liveth  unto  himself  and  none  dieth  unto  himself. 
He  easily  becomes  impatient  or  angry  when  his  seeming 


46         Race  ©ttftoDorp  in  tfje 

inconsistencies  are  pointed  out,  and  not  seldom  contents 
himself  with  telling  the  Northern  objector  to  "come 
South  and  live  among  the  negroes  for  a  while/'  or  "take 
a  few  millions  of  the  negroes  up  North. " 

(3)  Race  Conscience.  This  attitude  is  of  course  the 
highest  and  the  only  one  that  possesses  real  moral  valid 
ity.  But  in  order  to  be  healthy  it  must  have  experi 
mental  and  sympathetic  knowledge  of  the  lower  atti 
tudes.  "First  the  natural  man  and  then  the  spiritual 
man."  The  idealistic  doctrinaire  is  not  a  real  specimen 
of  this  type  of  attitude.  "My  people  do  not  under 
stand,"  can  be  said  of  him.  Perceptive  and  empirical 
understanding  must  ever  underlie  logical  and  scientific 
thinking  on  social  subjects,  whatever  may  be  true  in 
other  spheres  of  human  thought. 

Race  conscience  holds  to  the  higher  ethical  utilitarian 
ism,  or  "pragmatism,"  as  the  philosophical  fashion  now 
calls  it.  It  sees  clearly  that  biological  assimilation  is 
the  basic  principle  of  national  solidarity ;  that  science  ap 
pears  to  corroborate  the  findings  of  common  sense  when 
it  declares  against  mixture  of  extremely  divergent  racial 
types;  it  sees  more  or  less  clearly  the  correlation  and 
interaction  between  political  equality  and  social  equal 
ity;  it  hesitates  to  oppose  too  vigorously  even  such  a 
base  passion  as  race  enmity,  to  say  nothing  of  race  pride, 
because  of  the  evident  protective  (teleological)  function 
of  race  antipathy.  If  not  that,  what,  then?  it  asks. 

Evidently  it  must  be  the  task  of  good  men  everywhere 
to  help  transmute  race  enmity  into  reasonable  race 
pride,  and  the  latter  into  spiritual  and  practical  forms 
of  race  conscience.  How  is  this  to  be  done?  To  find 
out  we  must  study  long  and  hard.  If  it  cannot  be  done, 
separation  of  the  races  would  appear  to  be  necessary. 

Fear  and  Anger:  "Preternatural  Suspicion"    Before 


Cfte  Ctu*  of  tjje  duestion  47 

we  can  get  to  the  bottom  of  the  Southerner's  mind  we 
must  notice — for  that  is  all  we  can  do  in  a  rapid  survey 
like  this — the  feeling-tone  that  accompanies  the  prevail 
ing  attitudes  above  described.  There  are  three  funda 
mental  emotions  that  have  to  do  with  social  environment : 
anger,  fear  and  love  (corresponding  to  the  three  atti 
tudes  described  above).  Translating  into  the  language 
of  attitude  and  prevailing  mood,  we  may  call  them  hate, 
anxiety-obsession  and  benevolent  kindliness.  Now,  little 
need  be  said  of  the  third  mode  of  feeling-reaction.  Evi 
dently  it  is  the  only  one  that  ought  to  exist  in  a  state 
of  enlightened  civilization.  Nevertheless,  it  is  felt  uni 
formly  by  the  very  few  only,  and  exerts  an  influence 
in  special  cases  alone  and  in  some  degree  of  silent  modi 
fication  and  amelioration  of  the  other  and  stronger  pas 
sions.  Anxiety  and  a  kind  of  vindictive  dislike  tend 
together  to  hold  the  field  of  race  consciousness.  Carlyle 
well  describes  the  resultant  of  these  fundamental  feeling 
attitudes  in  his  phrase  a  propos  of  the  French  Revolu 
tion — "preternatural  suspicion."  All  observers  coming 
South  detect  it  in  the  very  mental  atmosphere.  There 
is  an  ill-veiled  "polite  repulsion"  toward  the  Northerner 
come  South  on  observation  bent,  unless  he  has  creden 
tials  from  some  Southern  high  priest  of  race  orthodoxy. 
This  last-named  fact  is  suggestive.  The  combination  of 
anxiety  and  antagonism  that  I  have  called  suspicion  is 
called  forth  not  by  the  negro  alone,  not  by  the  Northern 
"philanthropic"  attitude  alone,  but  by  their  combination 
in  the  historic  past  and  by  the  possibilities  of  future  force 
bills,  cutting  down  of  representation,  political  appoint 
ment  of  negroes,  philanthropic  efforts  in  behalf  of  negro 
ambitions  and  aspirations,  and  the  like.  Preternatural 
suspicion  is  due  to  a  racking  uncertainty  about  the  fu 
ture,  a  dread  of  ill-conceived  interference  from  without, 


48         Race  €>rti>ot)0£p  in  tf)e  Scut!) 

and  a  consciousness  of  apparent  inconsistency  along  with 
a  sense  of  being  in  the  right  nevertheless.  Was  ever 
people  so  beset?  Some  one  ought  to  write  a  book  on 
the  Dissociation  of  a  Sectional  Personality. 

Again  the  question,  What  shall  we  do  about  itf  One 
thing,  assuredly — we  must  study  the  phenomena  and 
strive  to  understand  them. 


WHITHER? 

Can  progress  and  peace  be  hoped  for  as  permanent 
facts  of  Southern  development,  granting  that  the  above 
cursory  account  be  accepted?  Are  we  doing  well  to 
spend  millions  of  dollars  on  negro  education  without 
having  a  reasonable  hope  that  the  developmental  results 
will  make  for  higher  character  and  truer  nationality? 
Shall  we  deepen  the  darkness  of  the  situation  by  sharpen 
ing  the  intellect  of  white  and  black  to  the  end  that  they 
may  fight  one  another  with  a  more  subtle  venom? 
Shall  we  leave  the  negro  in  spiritual  slavery  and  the 
white  in  rancorous  sectionalism  and  an  alienated  con 
science?  Shall  we  forsake  the  ideals  of  the  New  Eng 
land  "friends  of  human  rights"  and  of  Southern  chival 
rous  gentlemanliness  ?  Shall  we  leave  a  large  and  tragic 
human  problem  to  "settle  itself"  when  we  have  no  rea 
son  to  hope  that  it  will  settle  itself  aright?  Shall  we 
close  the  real  "door  of  hope"  in  the  black  brother's  face, 
the  door  of  access  to  a  fully  developed  manhood  ?  Shall 
we  permit  our  Southern  youth  of  the  dominant  race  to 
grow  up  arrogant  and  inhuman  despisers  of  human 
rights  and  haters  of  practical  democracy  and  large- 
souled  humanitarianism  ? 

On  all  hands  it  is  admitted  that  nothing  can  be  done 


Cf)e  Crus  of  tfte  Ctuestion          49 

without  the  cooperation  of  Southern  white  men.  And 
these  men  will  not  cooperate  until  there  is  some  answer 
to  the  question,  W hither  are  we  going?  The  land,  the 
institutions,  the  traditions  are  theirs.  They  claim  their 
heritage  and  decline  to  share  it  with  others  unless  they 
have  reason  to  believe  that  such  sharing  will  not  en 
danger  the  material  and  spiritual  weal  of  their  children's 
children.  "Solutions"  of  the  negro  problem  have  been 
put  forward  and  are  being  put  forward  as  theories ;  and 
yet  we  are  further  from  a  "solution"  than  at  any  time 
during  the  nation's  history.  Politicians,  preachers, 
philanthropists,  educators,  historians,  the  man  in  the 
street  (without  considering  these  classes  as  mutually 
exclusive)  have  had  their  fling.  Is  it  not  time  that  a 
concerted  organized,  scientific,  humanitarian  attempt  be 
made  to  study  the  whole  question  in  all  its  bearings  and 
through  the  cooperation  of  all  the  factors  involved? 
Shall  we  to  a  great  extent  take  tariff  and  finance  and 
"conservation"  and  other  national  questions  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  man  in  the  street,  and  yet  leave  a  vastly 
more  complex  and  more  delicate  question  to  be  settled 
or  unsettled  according  to  the  whims  and  prejudices,  or 
at  best  the  partial  insights  and  halfway  investigations, 
of  untrained  or  ill-trained  people? 

As  soon  as  the  Southern  people  find  that  a  whole 
hearted,  unprejudiced  attempt  is  being  made  to  study 
the  question  in  all  its  bearings  and  with  their  coopera 
tion,  they  will  be  ready  and  willing  to  help.  As  soon  as 
a  tentative  answer  to  the  question,  "Whither?"  is  pro 
posed,  and  the  Southern  people  see  that  what  is  worth 
while  in  their  contentions  is  respected  and  that  there  will 
be  no  meddlesome  nor  doctrinaire  interference  from  the 
outside,  they  will  be  willing  to  bend  their  energies  in  the 
direction  that  points  toward  peace  and  hope  and  safety; 


50         mace  flDrtfcoDosp  in  tfte 

they  will  be  willing  to  educate  the  negroes  for  the  part 
the  negroes  are  to  play;  they  will  be  willing  to  revive 
their  Christian  ethics  as  applied  to  the  other  race.  Of 
these  results  I  feel  sure  from  conference  with  all  sorts 
and  conditions  of  men.  These  Southern  people  are  nor 
mal  Americans.  They  are  reasonable  and  just.  But 
they  want  to  work  toward  some  definite  objective  point, 
and  they  wish  for  an  open  and  above-board  statement 
of  the  designs  and  methods  and  bias  of  the  persons 
undertaking  any  investigation  that  may  be  made. 


HOW  SHALL  THE  STUDY  BEGIN? 

This  is  not  the  place  for  an  outline  of  the  directions 
wherein  a  scientific  investigation  should  work.  I  shall 
furnish  later  a  full  report  on  that  subject,  if  such  a 
report  be  wanted.  But  it  may  not  be  unwise  to  suggest 
here  some  method  of  getting  the  work  organized  and 
started.  I  therefore  submit,  with  much  hesitation  and 
some  perturbation,  but  sincerely  and  after  a  number  of 
years  of  close  study  of  the  negro  question  on  the  ground 
and  with  first-hand  data,  a  series  of  tentative  sugges 
tions — one  of  many  plans  that  might  be  outlined. 

i.  Let  some  nation-wide  group  of  leading  Southern 
ers  and  Northerners  of  all  political  and  religious  types 
select  some  one  man  as  director  who  by  character,  tem 
perament,  training  and  experience  is  best  fitted  to  under 
stand  the  question,  the  Southerners,  whites  and  blacks, 
the  race  question  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  the  Northern 
situation,  the  national  and  historical  perspective.  Let 
this  man  choose,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
group,  a  few  well-qualified  workers  to  assist  him  in  the 
work  of  a  Steering  Committee.  This  group  should 


C6e  Cnir  of  tfte  Question  51 

probably   form   an  association   for  the  study  of   race 
problems. 

2.  Let  this  committee,  after  due  conference,  call  a 
meeting  of  a  selected  and  closely  limited  list  of  promi 
nent  Southerners  and  others  who  are  well  known  in 
business    (including    farming),   the  professions,   public 
life   and    academic   circles,   and   have   some   first-hand 
knowledge  of  the  subject.    The  larger  number  of  those 
invited  should  come  from  the  Southern  and  the  Pacific 
states.     They  should  represent  all  phases  of  attitude  on 
the  question,  including  the  most  radical.     Let  them  be 
sounded  personally  before  being  invited  officially. 

3.  Let  the  director  of  the  work,  as  chairman  of  the 
steering  committee,  prepare,  after  conference  with  his 
colleagues  and  after  the  committee  has  made  a  tour  of 
the  Southern  states  and  other  parts  of  the  country  and 
foreign  countries  where  race  questions  are  pressing,  a 
careful  statement  of  the  scope  of  the  investigation.     In 
that  statement  let  him  show  the  whites  that  they  are 
sympathized  with  and  let  him  show  the  colored  people 
that  their  interests  will  be  carefully  considered. 

4.  When  the  conference  has  met,  in  some  convenient 
Southern  city,  let  the  chairman  read  his  statement  and 
then  call  on  the  members  alphabetically  and  by  states  to 
comment  on  the  paper  in  a  three  to  five  minutes'  speech. 
(A  syllabus  of  the  statement  ought  to  be  sent  to  the 
members   of   the   conference  a  sufficient  time  before 
hand.)     Let  each  member  of  the  conference,  after  he 
has  spoken,  leave  with  the  secretary  of  the  committee  a 
MS.  setting  forth  his  views  and  opinions  in  full. 

5.  Let  the  committee  carefully  digest  the  proceedings 
and  the  paper  and  publish  a  report  of  the  conference  and 
also  a  smaller  and  popular  syllabus  of  the  larger  report. 
Let  the  report  be  sent  to  leading  men,  libraries,  etc.,  in 


52         Race  DrtijoDosp  in  tfte 

this  country  and  elsewhere,  and  have  the  syllabus  dis 
tributed  very  widely  through  the  press  and  in  every 
legitimate  way,  so  as  to  reach  especially  the  humbler 
classes  of  the  white  and  the  colored  populations  in  this 
country. 

6.  Let  the  committee  appoint  sub-committees  to  work 
through  the  ordinary  channels  of  the  association  or  in 
stitution  or  bureau,  through  universities  in  this  country 
and  elsewhere,  through  learned  and  professional  socie 
ties,  etc.     Let  special  investigators  be  put  into  the  field 
under  the  direct  supervision  of  the  director  of  the  work. 
Let  some  of  the  work  be  done  through  fellowships  in 
universities,  especially  the  better  organized  Southern  uni 
versities. 

7.  Let   the   investigators   give   frequently,    at   least 
once  a  quarter,  a  statement  of  work  done,  so  that  the 
central  office  can  keep  in  close  touch  with  the  whole  field. 
(Perhaps  the  central  office  might  be  in  one  of  the  border 
Southern  cities,  such  as  Memphis,  Nashville,  Louisville, 
Baltimore  or  Richmond,  or,  perhaps  in  the  nation's  capi 
tal.) 

8.  Let  the  director,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  committee  or  board,  issue  two  bulletins  of  the  work 
at  convenient  intervals — one  a  scientific  statement  of 
the  progress  of  the  work,  the  other  a  popular  statement, 
both  to  be  distributed  in  the  manner  described  above  in 
the  case  of  the  report  of  the  conference  and  the  syllabus 
respectively.      Let   him   also   issue  pamphlets,   leaflets, 
cards,  questionnaires,  and  organize  correspondence  scien 
tifically. 

9.  Some  time  after  the  conference  of  whites  there 
ought  to  be  held  a  conference  for  colored  people  only, 
inviting  no  whites  to  be  present  except  the  members  of 
the  committee,  who  should  probably  all  be  white,  though 


Cfie  Cms  of  tfte  -duestion  53 

some  of  the  cooperating  workers  should,  of  course,  be 
colored  men  and  women.  Let  a  section  of  the  bureau 
devote  itself  entirely  to  work  done  by  negro  investi 
gators. 

10.  From  time  to  time,  at  fit  opportunities  and  dur 
ing  successive  years,  call  conferences  for  reports  of  work 
done,  for  the  reception  of  suggestions  and  criticisms,  and 
the  like. 

CONCLUSION 

If  it  were  done,  'twere  well  'twere  done  quickly.  This 
statement  is  often  as  true  for  deeds  of  light  as  for  deeds 
of  darkness.  The  work  itself  may  have  to  last  many 
years;  putting  its  results  into  execution,  or  cooperating 
with  those  who  are  getting  the  machinery  of  race  adjust 
ment  into  motion,  may  take  a  much  longer  period  than 
the  investigation.  But  we  want  to  allay  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  the  attitude  of  suspicion,  unrest,  anxiety  or  exasper 
ation.  For  a  catastrophe  may  happen  at  any  moment. 
There  are  sinister  signs  of  this.  Moreover,  at  any  time 
something  may  arise  in  national  or  sectional  politics  that 
may  make  cooperation  extremely  difficult.  As  for  the 
money  needed — there  will  be  no  lack  of  it  if  our  people 
learn  to  realize  the  vitalness  of  this  investigation.* 

*Is  it  rash  to  hope  that  the  much-needed  investigation  of  the 
negro  question  will  begin  during  the  administration  of  a  Southern- 
born  president  aided  by  a  Democratic  congress?  President  Wilson 
has  shown  a  high  quality  of  courage  and  patriotism.  Will  he  show 
forth  his  leadership  by  taking  the  initiative  in  ridding  politics  of 
the  negro  problem?  Or  will  the  present  auspiciously  begun  Demo 
cratic  regime  timidly  dodge  this  vital  question  because  of  its  diffi 
culty  and  its  "intangibleness"  ?  Will  the  Republicans  continue  to 
welcome  to  their  national  conventions  the  absurd  Southern  dele- 


54         ftace  flDtt&oDosg  in  tfte 

gations  of  negro  politicians?  Will  the  Progressives,  with  their 
voluminous  program  of  "reform,"  remember  that  the  existence  of 
the  negro  problem  is  a  challenge  to  the  friends  of  human  rights 
everywhere,  and  is  the  prime  cause  of  the  excessive  Democratic 
solidarity  of  the  South? 


V.    STUDY  THE   NEGRO   QUESTION! 

(Reprinted  from  Proceedings  of  the  Department  of  Superin 
tendence  of  the  National  Education  Association,  Indianapolis,  Ind., 
March,  1910. — Topic:  The  Problem  of  Environment  in  Education — 
As  the  South  Sees  It.) 

There  is  only  one  Southern  problem,  and  it  is  that 
of  environment.  For  Southern  children  are  the  truest  of 
Americans  by  birth  and  tradition,  and  therefore,  if  they 
are  being  bred  in  the  cult  of  caste,  nurture  due  to  con 
ditions  and  not  nature  due  to  inheritance  must  be  re 
sponsible  for  their  apparent  departure  from  the  splendid 
type  of  American  democracy. 

But  do  not  suppose  that  even  by  implication  I  am 
condemning  my  own  dear  people.  Public  peace  and  the 
safety  of  the  state  demand  that  the  less-developed  race 
( i )  *  be  subordinate  to  the  more  developed,  under  condi 
tions  as  they  exist  in  the  South  to-day.  The  caste  of  the 
kin  is  the  practice  of  the  theory  that  blood  is  thicker  than 
water;  and  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  cannot  invalidate 
God's  own  law  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest.  If  these 
widely  different  races  cannot  blend  their  blood — and 
instinct  and  science  say  nay — the  only  real  foundation 
for  democracy,  equality,  actual  or  potential,  does  not  exist 
and  cannot  be  created.  The  principles  of  liberty,  equal 
ity  and  fraternity  are  as  abstractly  true  as  Newton's 
Laws  of  Motion  (2),  but  the  resistance  of  race-con 
sciousness  brings  about  as  real  a  friction  as  does  the 

*  Numerals  refer  to  appended  comments. 

55 


56         Eace  flDrtftoDosg  in  tije  Soutft 

resistance  of  the  air  in  modifying  the  actions  of  bodies 
in  motion. 

The  all-inclusive  virtue,  love  itself,  has  a  biological 
basis,  and  character  values  are  conditioned  by  body 
facts  (3).  Thus  it  happens  that  the  Southerner's  loyalty 
to  his  race  comes  of  his  love  of  his  kind,  the  kind  he 
knows  and  values. 

But  should  such  conditions  exist?  Must  Southern 
children  of  the  dominant  race  grow  up  to  scorn  and 
despise,  or  else  condescendingly  to  tolerate,  their  less 
fortunate  fellow  creatures?  Or  shall  we  legitimate  lust 
and  short-circuit  the  destiny  of  a  chosen  people  ?  South 
erners  understand  the  apparent  cruelty  imputed  to  the 
God  of  Israel  who  is  represented  as  commanding  the 
extermination  of  non-assimilable  peoples  (4).  But  the 
more  refined  killing  of  to-day  in  the  South  is  not  the 
occasional  taking  of  a  negro's  life,  but  the  impassive  and 
relentless  murder  of  a  people's  hopes.  But  better  this 
than  worse  that  might  be.  Better  twenty  years  of  Eu 
rope  than  a  cycle  of  Cathay.  Better  preternatural  sus 
picion  than  rearing  dusky  broods.  Sometimes  we  must 
be  cruel  would  we  be  kind. 

Only  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven  is  there  neither  mar 
riage  nor  giving  in  marriage.  Now,  the  kingdom  has  not 
yet  come  in  the  South.  Therefore,  let  him  that  would 
establish  any  kind  of  human  equality  on  any  basis  other 
than  that  of  a  biologically  based  family  life  give  us  the 
recipe  for  life  in  a  vacuum  (5). 

Again  I  ask,  Should  these  things  be  ?  Must  the  South 
ern  child  be  compelled  to  choose  between  the  ideal  and 
the  real  in  a  world  where  ideals  must  be  realized  in 
accordance  with  the  laws  of  nature?  Will  sickly  saintli- 
ness  bring  us  salvation?  Or  must  we  seek  safety  in 
racial  selfishness?  God  forbid  the  answer  "Yes"  to 


t&e  iQegro  duestiott/          57 

either  of  these  last  two  questions!  Who  shall  deliver 
us  from  the  body  of  this  death?  (6) 

I  dare  not  hope  to  put  this  subject  before  you  sharply 
in  a  hasty  minute  or  two.  But  I  must  make  an  appeal  in 
the  name  of  the  righteous  God  and  of  bewildered  human 
ity.  I  ask  that  you  leaders  of  education  think  on  these 
things  in  this  wise:  Let  us  have  this  negro  question 
studied.  We  are  studying  tariffs  and  the  price  of  beef ; 
we  become  partisans  about  a  pole,  intangible  and  invisible ; 
our  scientific  expeditions  scour  land  and  sea  for  speci 
mens  of  fauna  and  flora;  we  discriminate  nicely  the 
uncertain  tints  of  Mexican  Indians;  we  explore  the 
heavens  above,  the  earth  beneath,  and  the  waters  under 
the  earth — all  these  we  do,  and  much  more,  without  the 
waving  of  bloody  shirts  or  the  planting  of  party  plat 
forms. 

Let  us  take  the  negro  question  out  of  politics,  out  of 
society,  out  of  popular  religious  discussion,  out  of  prize 
fighting — out  of  all  wherein  heat  doth  obtain  rather 
than  light. 

Let  us  put  the  negro  question  into  science,  and  science 
into  the  negro  question.  We  have  tried  all  else,  and  in 
vain.  Parties  and  churches  and  schools,  and  philan 
thropies  of  all  kinds,  have  brought  us  not  one  whit 
nearer  a  solution.  The  favorite  prescription  for  a  solu 
tion  is  education,  especially  industrial  education.  And 
yet  there  are  towns  where  negro  artisans  are  not  allowed 
to  work,  and  labor  unions  in  plenty  that  negroes  may  not 
enter.  Education  for  what?  Are  the  whites  going  to 
neglect  the  training  of  their  children's  hands?  When 
the  grandsons  of  the  former  slave-owners  are  dead,  will 
anyone  prefer  negro  labor,  skilled  or  unskilled,  to 
white?  (7) 

Can  education  abolish  race-consciousness  and  repat- 


58         mace  SDttftoDorg  in  tbe 

tern  the  convolutions  of  the  brain  ?  Aye,  education  may 
solve  the  race  problem  and  all  problems,  but  when  and 
where  and  how? 

Men  and  brethren,  let  us  study  the  race  problem.  Let 
the  study  be  national  and  international,  for  ours  is  not 
the  only  problem  of  race.  Let  the  study  be  scientific  and 
not  sentimental ;  cooperative  and  not  individualistic ;  con 
tinuous  and  not  scrappy;  professional  and  not  dilettante; 
humanitarian  and  not  partisan.  (8) 

Let  us  isolate  the  surd  and  square  the  whole  equation 
— find  a  square  deal.  It  is  science,  and  science  alone, 
star-eyed  science,  truth-loving  science,  spiritually  intel 
lectual  science — it  is  the  twentieth  century's  greatest 
power,  the  scientific  research  of  to-day,  that  can  prepare 
us  for  the  doing  of  this  nation's  greatest  duty,  the  solu 
tion  of  this  problem,  so  as  to  free  two  unallied  peoples 
and  make  the  states  of  this  Union  United  States  indeed 
and  in  truth ! 


VI.     COMMENT  ON  THE  INDIANAPOLIS 
DISCUSSION 

i.*  "Less  developed,"  not  "lower."  All  admit  the 
accuracy  of  the  former  term,  without  determining 
whether  the  negro's  possibilities  are  limited.  The  term 
"lower"  unfairly  closes  the  question,  at  least  in  the  popu 
lar  mind,  for  it  has  acquired  a  static,  fatalistic  conno 
tation. 

Negro  "equality"  in  the  South  depends  on  the  feasibil 
ity  of  a  parallel  civilization: — racial  representation  in 
legislature  and  congress  (as  in  New  Zealand) ;  negro 
industrial  organization  (as  at  Mound  Bayou,  Miss.); 
cooperatively  managed  places  of  amusement  for  the 
negroes  (as  in  Memphis)  ;  negro  libraries  (as  in  Louis 
ville)  ;  and  the  like.  These  things  are  needed  whether 
the  negro  "goes"  or  "stays."  This  "equality"  does  not 
presuppose  social  intermingling  with  whites,  but,  rather, 
as  complete  as  possible  segregation  of  the  negroes. 

2.  The  average  Northerner  thinks  that  Southerners 
do  not  believe  in  the  "rights  of  man."  Southerners  re 
sent  the  imputation,  but  cannot  explain  the  apparent 
anomaly  of  their  actual  conduct,  and  hence  reply  with  a 
tu  quoque  or  a  charge  of  pharisaism.  The  trouble  with 
radical  Southerners  is  not  their  insistence  on  white 
supremacy,  but  their  satisfaction  at  the  prospect  of  per 
manent  subordination  of  the  negroes  to  the  whites,  with 
out  regard  to  the  possibility  of  colonizing  the  negroes  or 
of  securing  their  segregation  in  some  other  way. 

*  Numerals   refer  to  text  of  above  speech. 

59 


60         Race  SDrtfjoOorp  in  tfte 

3.  The  most  exalted  romantic  and  chivalrous  love 
can  be  completely  inhibited  by  physical  mutilation.     Yet 
love  is  not  merely  physical.     Likewise  humanitarianism 
is  not  mere  physical  kinship,  but  nevertheless  has  a  neces 
sary,  though  often  disavowed,  biological  basis. 

4.  New  Testament  morality  is  historically  and  prac 
tically  meaningless   without  an   Old   Testament  basis. 
Under  Old  Testament  conditions    (largely  existing  in 
the   South),  Old  Testament  morality  is  more  or  less 
appropriate  and  inevitable. 

Don't  criticize  human  nature  and  its  protective  biologi 
cal  creed;  but  change  the  abnormal  situation  in  such  a 
way  as  will  respect  natural  law  as  well  as  moral  law. 
God  still  winks  at  the  hardness  of  men's  hearts,  when 
such  hardness  has  a  providential  value.  Matthew  Ar 
nold's  "Might  till  right  is  ready"  is  the  working  creed 
of  the  conscientious  Southerner.  But  when  and  how 
shall  right  be  got  ready?  Interestingly  enough,  the 
phrase  "impassive  and  relentless  murder  of  a  people's 
hopes"  has  not  yet  met  with  criticism  from  white  South 
erners.  In  their  heart  of  hearts  they  know  that  the 
expression  is  true,  and  this  knowledge  hurts  their  con 
sciences.  The  present  status  is  just  the  white  South 
erner's  choice  of  evils.  In  the  recesses  of  their  hearts 
Southern  men  are  crying  out:  "Give  us  a  better  chance 
to  choose.  Do  not  make  the  alternatives  so  cruel;  we 
choose  the  lesser  evil,  but  we  know  that  it  is  evil.  Prove 
to  us  that  real  citizenship  is  not  based  on  the  family 
life,  which  in  turn  has  a  biological  basis,  show  us  that 
the  negro  can  be  assimilated  on  a  non-biological  basis, 
and  we  may  ameliorate  the  negro's  pains,  even  though 
we  can't  cure  them." 

In  the  matter  of  the  franchise,  the  South  first  des 
perately  intimidated  the  negro;  then  systematically 


Comment  on  SnDianapoli*  Discussion  61 


cheated  him  without  semblance  of  law ;  then  cheated  him 
legally;  and  now  defrauds  him  of  his  political  rights  in 
a  duly  constitutional  fashion  with  the  consent  if  not  the 
aid  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  What  next? 
Well,  self -sophistication  may  become  even  more  refined. 
There  is  a  movement  on  foot  to  educate  negroes  only 
with  taxes  that  negroes  pay.  Southern  legislatures  would 
perhaps  in  some  cases  enact  this  scheme  into  law — 
indeed,  Vardaman  was  elected  governor  of  Mississippi 
on  this  platform.  But  the  lawyers  declare  the  plan 
to  be  unconstitutional.  South  Carolina  has  a  "better" 
plan.  When  whites  want  an  extra  tax  for  a  certain 
school  district  they  vote  the  tax  and  specify  the  school 
for  which  the  tax  is  to  be  voted.  Now,  in  practice  this 
generally  means  that  the  special  taxes  are  voted  for  the 
white  schools  only.  I  give  this  illustration  to  show  how 
an  impossible  situation  leads  fatally  to  the  failure  of 
"democracy"  and  to  tinkering  with  conscience.  Some 
white  men  seem  to  think  that  lunatics,  imbeciles,  children 
and  negroes  have  rights  as  human  beings  but  not  as 
citizens.  And  they  resent  the  very  thought  that  "nig 
gers"  should  get  the  same  public  benefits  as  fall  to  the 
share  of  "our  own  blue-eyed  Anglo-Saxon  children." 

Does  all  this  mean  that  Southerners  are  conscience 
less?  No;  it  simply  means  that  healthy  morality  can 
function  only  under  certain  normal  conditions.  And 
these  do  not  exist  in  the  South. 

Now,  if  some  workable  solution  of  the  negro  problem 
should  come  into  view,  various  temporary  adjustments, 
such  as  racial  representation  and  the  like,  would  most 
probably  not  be  resented  by  the  South.  But  the  present 
suppression  of  the  negro  will  continue  so  long  as  he  is 
supposed  to  be  infected  with  the  microbe  of  social  equal 
ity  or  any  other  "equality"  that  is  associated  with  pos- 


62         Kace  SDrtfcoDosp  in  tfte  Soutft 

sible  social  equality — and  which  is  not?  No  kind  of 
alleged  equality  is  worth  anything  to  a  man  if  his  chil 
dren's  children  are  to  rank  as  social  outcasts  in  the  eyes 
of  the  "desirable"  people,  the  whites.  Prominent  negroes 
say  that  they  do  not  desire  social  equality.  What  they 
mean  is  this:  We  do  not  ask  for  social  intermingling 
under  present  conditions.  If  negro  leaders  will  assert 
that  they  do  not  believe  that  social  communion  between 
the  races  ought  to  be  feasible  in  the  remote  future,  I 
for  one  shall  not  be  able  to  respect  them.  These  lead 
ers  probably  believe  that  all  the  equalities,  beginning 
with  unsuppressed  suffrage,  will  "come  in  time,"  when 
the  negro  has  become  rich  and  refined  and  educated. 
The  masses  of  the  whites  probably  believe  that  such  an 
outcome  is  possible,  and  hence  want  the  negro  to  remain 
poor  and  coarse  and  uneducated — >"a  genuyne  nigger/' 
who  "knows  his  place."  Senator  Tillman  probably  rep 
resents  the  opinion  of  many  thousands  when  he  says 
that  but  for  the  anti-amalgamation  laws  not  a  few 
whites  would  be  glad  to  marry  rich  negresses.  The 
social  taboo  is  largely  conventional.  Untrained  children 
do  not  recognize  it,  but  soon  "catch  it"  from  their  eld 
ers.  I  have  seen  white  men  evidently  enjoying  the 
society  of  negroes,  but  becoming  shamefaced  when  de 
tected.  There  are  other  evidences  that  human  sociality 
on  its  lower  and  more  animal  side  is  not  very  discriminat 
ing.  And  these  patent  evidences  are  known  to  all  men.* 
5.  As  I  have  already  indicated,  the  Southerner's  in 
stinctive  feeling  that  sociality,  actual  or  potential,  is  the 
basis  of  all  the  equalities — this  subconscious  feeling,  I 
say,  is  the  crux  of  the  whole  question. 

*I  regret  that  I  must  use  the  word  "probably"  so  often.  Such 
caution,  however,  seems  necessary  if  one  desires  to  keep  close  to 
facts  and  to  eschew  dogmatic  prejudice. 


Comment  on  3nDianapoli$  Discussion  63 

Potential  equality  is  of  the  essence  of  democracy. 
Extirpate  "race  prejudice''  in  a  democracy  and  social 
communion  and  intermarriage  are  bound  to  follow.  One 
of  the  reasons  why  Northerners  fail  to  understand  this 
is  their  aesthetic  antipathy  to  the  negro.  Most  South 
erners  like  individual  negroes  that  "keep  their  place" — 
and  I  daresay  that  the  negroes,  like  all  more  or  less  primi 
tive  folk,  are  likable.  The  Northerner  is  protected  from 
social  communion  and  intermarriage  by  his  feelings ;  the 
Southerner  is  protected  by  what  he  calls  his  principles — 
the  superiority  of  the  whites,  and  the  like.  I  am  speak 
ing  here  only  in  a  general  way.  Many  Southerners — 
and  their  number  is  increasing — detest  negroes;  not  a 
few  Northerners  like  negroes.  The  present  writer  is 
consciously  both  Northern  and  Southern  in  his  attitude. 
At  times  the  Northern  ingredient  is  strongest;  at  times 
the  Southern.  But  both  are  usually  swallowed  up  by 
the  sense  of  pity — pity  for  both  races  put  in  such  sorry 
plight.  O  the  pity  of  it  that  "lesser  breeds  without  the 
law"  cannot  take  the  kingdom  of  civilization  by  vio 
lence;  but  far  greater  pity  if  they  could!  Juridical  and 
ethical  abstractions  hold  absolutely  only  in  a  realm  of 
pure  bodiless  spirits.  Given  humanity,  as  we  find  it — a 
sinful  incarnation — we  shall  still  find  the  Israelites  tend 
ing  to  exterminate  the  Canaanites,  or  else  to  enslave 
them.  Jefferson,  De  Tocqueville  and  Lincoln  believed 
that  the  two  races  could  not  live  together  on  terms  of 
equality.  Were  they  wrong?  Has  recent  history  made 
against  their  doctrines?  Let  patient  research  decide  on 
the  preponderance  of  probabilities.  If  the  races  can  get 
along  together,  let  us  find  out  how  the  thing  can  be 
done  without  ultimate  amalgamation,  without  unjust 
subordination  for  worthy  negro  individuals,  and  without 


64         Race  ©rtbofcorp  in  tbe  Soutft 

keeping  the  South  far  in  the  rear  of  the  world's  best 
civilization. 

6.  The  alternatives  are  here  rather  brutally  pre 
sented.  But  I  confess  to  an  abhorrence  of  the  idea  of  a 
Chosen  People  lagging  behind  the  best  that  is  simply  out 
of  pure  altruism — saintly  this,  but  sickly,  yes,  suicidal 
(with  apologies  for  the  spontaneous  alliteration).  Now, 
self-sacrifice  that  is  demanded  by  developed  conscience 
and  God's  providence  is  a  sublime  and  perfect  thing. 
But  useless,  foolish,  quixotic  self-sacrifice — call  it  what 
you  please — is  simply  provocative  of  the  laughter  of 
demons.  Jesus  Christ  begged  that  the  cup  might  pass 
from  Him.  With  great  agony  He  drank  it,  because  the 
drinking  was  necessary  to  God's  plans  and  man's  salva 
tion.  But  He  did  not  ask  to  be  damned  for  His  people's 
sake.  On  the  contrary,  He  looked  for  a  resurrection. 
There  was  a  glorious  end  to  be  attained.  But  shall  we 
say  that  Dr.  Edgar  Gardner  Murphy's  second-best  civili 
zation  plan  is  the  necessary,  the  only  possible  moral 
course?  If  so,  let's  adopt  it.  But  let's  make  sure  that  it 
is  necessary  before  we  resign  ourselves  to  the  prospect  of 
an  extremely  altruistic  but  hopelessly  limping  civiliza 
tion. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  can  a  true  man  accept  the 
maxim:  Each  one  for  himself  and  the  devil  take  the 
hindmost?  By  all  means  let  us  help  the  Brother  in 
Black — may  God  bless  him,  for  he  is  a  child  of  God! 
But  shall  we  help  him  at  the  expense  of  our  children  and 
future  generations?  God  forbid.  Aye,  He  will  forbid. 
Racial  selfishness  is  perniciously  bad ;  healthy  racial  ego 
ism  is  sane  and  decidedly  necessary.  Altruism  and  ego 
ism  work  together  like  the  two  hands.  But  be  ye  sure, 
O  ye  believers  in  abstractions,  that  the  meek  who  shall 
inherit  the  earth  are  strong  and  sturdy  meek  whose  self- 


Comment  on  UnDimtapoIte  Discussion  65 

respect  is  ultimately  respect  for  God  and  whose  love  for 
neighbors  is  measured  in  terms  of  this  heightened  self- 
love. 

7.  "Education  for  what?"    I  speak  of  facts,  real 
conditions,  as  they  exist,  say,  in  Mississippi  and  Ten 
nessee.    Education  means  soul  expansion.     How  can  a 
soul  expand  in  prison  walls?    How  can  a  dignified  hu 
man  soul  acquiesce  in  any  kind  of  ostracism?     The 
negro  who  shows  his  manliness  in  protest  gets  himself 
hated.    But  to  me  DuBois  is  ideally  truer  than  Washing 
ton—the  latter  is  "wiser"  than  the  former.    Shall  truth 
and  wisdom  tell  different  tales?     Can  any  good  come 
of  it? 

8.  Better  no  attempt  at  systematic  investigation  than 
to  start  one  that  fails  to  be  national  and  international, 
scientific,  cooperative,  etc. 


VII.     FUSE,   FIGHT  OR   FAIL! 

(This  paper,  which  may  be  regarded  as  fanciful  by  some,  was 
written  shortly  after  the  writer  had  held  a  conference  with  the 
white  school  principals  of  the  Memphis  schools  on  one  day,  and 
had  then  called  the  negro  principals  together  on  the  following 
day.  Neither  meeting  discussed  the  race  question  in  any  way.  But 
the  author  knew  the  feelings  and  opinions  of  both  sets  of  principals, 
felt  strongly  the  tragedy  of  the  situation,  and  was  yet  fully  aware 
of  the  general  apathy  of  the  whole  country  with  regard  to  a  de 
cisive  settlement  of  the  race  question.  It  may  be  that  the  emo 
tional  form  of  the  essay  will  have  some  value  to  some  minds.  In 
deed,  it  may  have  a  message  even  to  the  hard-headed  practical  man 
whose  soul  is  big  enough  to  receive  itl) 


"Their  angels  do  always  behold  the  face  of  the  Father." 

Angel  of  the  negro  race  speaks: 

"They  say — do  the  Aryan  followers  of  Jesus,  the 
Semite — that  the  negro  peoples  are  the  child-race  of  the 
world.  If  their  word  be  aught  more  than  sound,  let 
mine  be  listened  to,  for  children  grow  up  in  the  fulness 
of  time,  and  I  am  the  voice  of  the  negro  race  speaking 
Caucasian  language,  the  language  of  the  adult  races. 
Listen,  then,  O  strong  men  of  the  earth,  to  the  sacred 
voice  of  the  Child! 

"I  have  no  history.  I  have  no  country.  I  use  bor 
rowed  flags  and  borrowed  languages  and  borrowed  re 
ligions.  My  own  languages  and  religions  are  the  wails 
of  infants  crying  in  the  night.  Do  I  wish  to  make  my 

66 


JFu0e,  JTigftt  or  JFafI*  67 

needs  articulately  known,  I  must  essay  to  use  adult 
words  of  the  great  powers.  Forgive  me  if  my  lan 
guage  seem  only  childish  prattle. 

"Some  speak  contemptuously  and  others  pessimis 
tically  about  my  hope  of  growing  up,  because  during  the 
long  ages  of  my  existence  I  have  not  reached  man's 
stature.  Others  believe  that  my  blood  enters  somewhat 
into  the  make-up  of  that  great  Mediterranean  race  which 
conquered  the  world  through  culture  and  law  and  arms, 
and  established  western  civilization.  But  I  am  making 
no  speculative  claims;  howbeit  I  might  be  permitted  to 
develop  for  a  few  centuries  under  favorable  circum 
stances  before  final  judgment  is  passed  on  my  possi 
bilities  of  adultship.  The  Teutons  were  quite  childish 
two  thousand  years  ago,  and  had  to  borrow  religion, 
arts  and  almost  everything  else  of  cultural  value  from 
the  Mediterranean  peoples. 

"This  is  an  age  when  men  talk  greatly  of  evolution, 
of  natural  and  artificial  selection,  of  the  imperceptibly 
slow  processes  of  nature,  of  use  and  disuse  of  the  brain, 
of  the  effects  of  environment  on  the  speed  of  change, 
of  the  apparent  arbitrariness  of  spontaneous  variations. 
Give  me  time,  without  coddling  and  without  intimidation. 
Then,  if  I  fail  to  grow  to  man's  estate,  let  me  die  the 
death  of  a  child  whose  guardians  have  done  the  best 
they  could  for  him.  It  may  be  that  Nature  has  cruelly 
caused  premature  closing  of  my  skull  sutures,  and  that 
such  a  condition  will  always  obtain.  But  men  of  science 
have  not  yet  killed  my  hopes  by  fastening  this  accusa 
tion  on  Nature.  It  may  be  that  what  has  not  yet  been 
done  can  never  be  done,  and  that  my  development  is 
doomed  to  arrest  because  I  have  thus  far  failed  to  grow 
as  fast  as  some  other  races.  But  philosophy  has  not 
yet  declared  that  what  has  not  yet  been  can  never  be. 


68         mace  a>tt|)oDojp  In  tfte 

Nor  have  European  Teutons  undergone  their  compara 
tively  late  development  in  the  jungles  of  torrid  Africa 
as  my  people  have.  Even  my  deficient  brain  weight 
does  not  unduly  distress  me  when  I  realize  that  my  brain 
is  that  of  a  man,  not  that  of  an  ape,  and  that  my  associa 
tion  centers  have  hardly  had  sufficient  opportunity  for 
growth.  Men  of  science  tell  me,  indeed,  that  the  brain 
may  yet  prove  itself  to  be  the  most  plastic  organ  in  the 
body,  as  it  is  undoubtedly  the  educable  organ. 

"Remember,  too,  O  Caucasian,  that  there  is  an  educa 
tion  in  social  and  political  life;  that  there  is  education 
in  racial  self-respect,  in  hope,  in  the  encouragement  of 
one's  fellowman.  Shall  we  not  have  such  education 
somehow,  somewhere?  Do  not  quench  the  smoking 
flax,  most  Christian  Caucasians.  I  have  looked  the 
white  man  in  the  face  and  lived.  Give  me  credit  for 
ability  to  survive,  and  help  me  rather  than  discourage 
me.  You  are  not  afraid  of  my  competition  and  you 
can  take  no  pleasure  in  depriving  me  of  hope;  therefore 
give  me  a  chance,  give  me  a  trial,  give  me  time  and 
space,  faith  and  hope,  as  my  allies. 

"My  achievements  under  tutelage  during  slavery  and 
freedom  have  been  exaggerated  by  some  and  underrated 
by  others.  So  it  is  always  with  children's  performances. 
I  am,  however,  hopeful,  for  my  Heavenly  Father's  face 
is  still  lovely  to  look  upon. 

"America,  you  have  partially  adopted  an  orphan  child. 
Will  you  educate  it?  Will  you  give  it  a  start  in  life, 
or  will  you  use  it  only  as  a  drudge  in  your  service? 
Will  you  equip  it  well  and  send  it  to  seek  its  fortunes, 
or  will  you  adopt  it  fully  into  your  family?  Will  you 
at  least  make  up  your  mind  what  you  are  going  to  do 
with  this  orphan,  which  is  now  old  enough  to  take  an 
active  interest  in  its  own  welfare? 


«fu0e,  Jfigftt  or  jFail/  69 

"Don't  call  me  a  child  and  yet  expect  from  me  the 
morality  and  mentality  of  a  man.  Don't  say  that  I  am 
a  problem  because  I  am  a  man,  and  then  act  as  if  you 
destined  me  to  serve  your  interests  rather  than  my  own. 
Don't  blame  me  for  my  backwardness  and  then  begrudge 
any  forward  movement  in  my  behalf.  Don't  leave  me 
to  be  the  prey  of  undiscriminating  doctrinaires  on  the 
one  hand  and  of  self -deceiving  exploiters  on  the  other. 

"Am  I  a  human  being?  Then  treat  me  as  such.  Are 
democratic  and  Christian  doctrines  true  for  all  men? 
Then  have  them  apply  to  me.  Ought  every  child  to  be 
educated  for  its  own  sake  and  up  to  the  limit  of  its 
powers?  Then  give  me  such  an  education. 

"I  do  not  ask  that  manhood's  rights  be  given  to  me 
while  in  child's  estate.  But  assure  me,  white  friend,  that 
my  manhood  is  to  be  complete  and  free. 

"You  admit  that  I  am  not  your  property  but  your 
charge.  Then  help  to  free  my  mind  from  ignorance,  my 
hand  from  sloth  and  awkwardness,  my  soul  from  super 
stition  and  cringing  acquiescence  in  'my  fate.'  Remem 
ber  your  own  childhood.  Forget  not  your  Declaration  of 
Independence.  Be  mindful  of  your  Christ's  commands. 
Those  who  are  meek  and  patient  enough  to  eat  the 
crumbs  that  fall  from  the  master's  table  ought  some  time, 
somehow,  somewhere  gain  a  child's  portion.  If  I  cannot 
be  Isaac,  let  me  at  least  be  a  better-cared- for  Ishmael. 
If  you  send  me  away,  let  the  protecting,  self-sacrificing 
generosity  of  a  mother  spirit  go  with  me. 

"But  why  should  I  go?  True,  I  am  only  a  waif. 
But  here  was  I  born.  This  is  all  the  native  land  that 
I  have.  Why  am  I  an  alien  in  this  land  of  my  birth? 
Why  am  I  not  part  of  the  community?  Why  is  it  that 
in  your  heart  of  hearts  you  have  solemnly  sworn  that 
I  shall  not  be  a  complete  citizen  ?  Why  do  you  begrudge 


70         Race  2Drt&oOo*p  in  tfte 

me  an  education,  and  are  willing  that  some  of  your 
children  should  remain  uneducated  rather  than  that  I 
should  be  compelled  to  go  to  school? 

"May  I  be  allowed  to  study  the  workings  of  the 
white  man's  mind?  May  I  try  to  understand  why  you 
will  not  permit  me  to  attain  unto  full-orbed  manhood? 
Let  me  confess  that  I  desire  nothing  less  than  complete 
personality  and  citizenship.  I  do  not  seek  "social  equal 
ity"  if  by  that  expression  you  mean  social  mingling  with 
the  whites.  I  do  not  ask  to  exercise  all  of  my  rights 
under  the  law  of  the  land  and  the  moral  law,  but 
rather  I  want  the  assurance  that  all  of  manhood's  rights 
will  come  to  me  in  time,  as  I  prove  myself  worthy. 

"To  deny  natural  inequality  would  be  false  and  futile. 
But  should  human  beings  be  treated  as  representatives 
of  a  race  rather  than  as  free,  self-respecting  persons? 
And  should  a  child  race  be  forbidden  to  grow  up  just 
because  it  has  had  a  retarded  development,  or  because  of 
the  exigencies  of  the  white  man's  labor  market?" 


II 

"It  is  not  meet  that  the  children's  bread  should  be  given 
unto  dogs." 

The  spirit  of  the  white  race  answers : 

"Brother  in  Black,  your  speech  is  reasonable  from 
your  point  of  view,  but  I  doubt  whether  you  can  under 
stand  the  Southern  white  man's  mind,  seeing  that  his 
Northern  brother  often  fails  to  get  into  touch  with  it. 
However,  a  child's  questions  should  be  heeded,  and 
answered  as  fully  as  possible,  provided  they  be  respect 
ful  and  earnest,  as  yours  undoubtedly  are. 


4Fu0e,  JFigtrt  or  Jfail*  71 

"First  of  all,  as  to  social  equality.  You  say  that  you 
do  not  seek  it.  By  this  you  mean  only  that  self-respect 
forbids  your  seeking  to  associate  with  those  who  do  not 
want  your  company.  But  if  your  doctrine  of  the  worth 
of  individuals  be  true,  you  have  a  right  to  potential 
social  equality  at  least.  Of  what  avail  is  it  for  us  to 
admit  your  abstract  right  when  you  can  never  exercise 
it  in  this  white  man's  land? 

"Two  of  your  foremost  men,  Professor  Kelly  Miller 
and  Dr.  DuBois,  see  clearly  that  social  equality  is  the 
basis  of  all  equality.  Indeed,  the  "pursuit  of  happi 
ness"  implies  it,  and  with  it  the  right  to  intermarriage. 
The  Roman  plebeians  got  no  real  rights,  became  citizens 
in  no  real  sense,  until  they  secured  the  right  to  inter 
marry  with  patricians.  The  Saxons  became  true  citi 
zens  after  the  Norman  conquest  of  England  only 
through  intermarriage.  White  foreigners  in  America 
become  truly  assimilated  only  through  intermarriage. 
Your  people  instinctively  feel  that  the  suffrage  in  some 
sense  constitutes  citizenship,  and  citizenship  means,  and 
must  mean,  membership  in  the  nation — those  born  of  the 
same  stock,  or  potentially  able  to  be  grafted  into  it. 
By  psychological  and  historical  association  citizenship 
means  national  homogeneity.  A  nation  ought  to  be 
made  up  of  citizens  only.  We  discourage  your  civic 
claims  because  they  have  no  natural  significance  apart 
from  their  implications  of  social  "rights/'  the  exercise 
of  which  we  cannot  grant  you. 

"Some  of  your  people  have  learned  to  think  of  the 
state  as  a  product  of  'contract* ;  however  that  may  be,  a 
national  contract  can  obtain  permanency  only  through 
national  status,  the  actual  or  the  potential  status  of  kin 
ship.  People  are  fused  into  nationality.  Jarring  races 
do  not  constitute  a  real  community.  And  yet  you  talk 


72        mace  SDttfioDosp  in  tfte 

about  'individuals/  There  are  no  isolated  individuals. 
One's  true  personality  is  social  to  the  core.  Nations  are 
made  up  of  homes.  Community  of  interest,  without 
which  a  people  cannot  form  a  nation,  is  a  phantasm  of 
the  imagination  if  it  do  not  imply  the  intercommunion 
of  homes.  Indeed,  politics,  religion,  art,  business,  edu 
cation — all  imply  and  presuppose  sociality.  Conscience 
itself  is  only  secondarily  individual  and  intellectual.  It 
is  primarily  social.  The  church  festival  and  the  political 
celebration  ought  to  teach  you  the  essential  sociality  of 
all  forms  of  national  life.  Because  of  her  belief  in  the 
family  as  a  sacred  institution  and  her  unwillingness  to 
accept  the  mere  'contract'  theory  of  nationality,  the 
South  is  truer  to  nature,  history  and  Holy  Writ  than 
are  some  other  parts  of  the  Union. 

"We  are  emphatically  'members  one  of  another.' 
Politics  and  religion  of  certain  forms  notoriously  tend 
to  'run  in  families/  And  with  reason.  Other  things 
being  equal,  a  man  ought  to  vote  and  pray  in  spiritual 
union  with  his  ancestors.  The  Jajauese  understand  this. 
Your  people  do  also,  and  vote  the  Republican  ticket — 
when  they  do  vote — because  their  'folks'  do  so  and  have 
always  done  so.  Occasionally  one  finds  a  'Democratic' 
negro  family  or  a  'Republican'  white  family  in  the  'or 
thodox'  South.  Now,  I  do  not  claim  that  political  equal 
ity  logically  presupposes  potential  social  equality,  but  it 
biologically  and  psychologically  presupposes  it.  Demo 
crats  do  not  always  marry  Democrats,  nor  do  Baptists 
always  marry  Baptists — but  they  tend  to  do  so,  for 
biologically — and  psychologically — based  reasons. 

"When  you  seek  for  any  'equality,'  come  out  like  a 
man  and  ask,  not  for  present  social  communion  but  for 
potential  social  equality.  Nothing  less  than  this  will 
bring  your  race  to  manhood's  estate.  And  realize,  please, 


4Fi0&t  ot  JFail/  73 

that,  while  we  do  not  deny  your  claim  of  abstract  rights, 
we  cannot  allow  the  exercise  of  them  in  the  midst  of  a 
white  population. 

"Leaving  aside  the  Southern  white  man's  apparently 
unconquerable  distaste  for  racially  mixed  marriages,  let 
us  inquire  whether  such  intermarriage  is  advisable,  even 
were  it  allowable  and  feasible — and  it  is  neither.  If 
science  could  tell  us  that  the  amalgamation  of  the  races 
would  produce  good  results  for  this  nation,  and  we 
should  be  willing  to  hearken  unto  her  voice,  in  the  course 
of  a  century  'prejudice'  might  be  overcome  and  amalga 
mation  might  result.  There  is  always  such  a  biological 
tendency  among  the  lowest  classes  of  both  races,  and  the 
doctrine  of  'individuality1  might  in  time  bring  it  about 
in  the  upper  classes.  But  science  seems  to  advise  against 
such  an  experiment.  So  we  need  not  discuss  the  'fusion' 
member  of  our  three  alternatives :  Fusion,  fight,  or  fail 
ure — even  if  our  race  feeling  could  be  blotted  out. 

"Nor  do  conscientious  Southerners  want  the  negro 
race  to  fail.  We  wish  you  well,  Brother  in  Black — 
provided  you  keep  in  your  place.  What  is  your  ultimate 
place?  That  remains  to  be  found  out.  Your  place  now 
is  that  of  a  subordinate  race.  Whether  your  'place'  will 
change  in  time,  or  in  space,  or  in  both,  or  in  some  other 
way,  no  one  can  tell.  We  only  know  that  so  long  as 
the  two  races  live  together  the  whites  will  rule  and  negro 
individuals  must  accept  the  stigma  of  representative  in 
feriority. 

"You  ought  to  have  the  fullest  opportunity  for  devel 
opment.  You  ought  not  to  be  exploited  by  the  whites. 
There  is  no  place  for  a  peasantry  in  America.  You 
should  not  be  subjected  to  scorn  and  hate,  nor  even  to 
condescending  pity.  To  have  you  American  negroes  fail 
as  a  people  would  be  a  tragedy  in  this  day  of  democratic 


74         ftace  SDrtftoBosp  in  t&e  Soutft 

and  Christian  enlightenment.  It  may  be  necessary  to 
find  you  a  land  of  your  own  and  found  for  you  a  state 
that  will  give  you  full  freedom. 

"But  enlightened  Southerners  do  not  want  to  deceive 
you  or  have  you  deceived  by  letting  you  remain  in  a 
fools'  paradise.  You  don't  belong  to  the  kin.  You 
cannot  be  assimilated.  And  unless  you  are  assimilated 
you  will  constitute  a  nidus  for  disease  in  the  body  politic. 
Indeed,  such  is  the  case  now.  Your  physical  presence 
retards  the  growth  and  nationalization  of  the  South. 
You  are  farther  from  assimilation  to-day  than  you  were 
in  1870.  And  yet  as  Christian  democrats  we  would  not 
have  you  fail  as  a  people. 

"If  fusion  is  impossible  and  failure  too  painful  to 
contemplate,  how  about  the  third  alternative — fight? 

"Now  I  would  not  have  you  suppose  that  I  am  urging 
you  to  contend  with  arms  for  your  rights.  By  'fight'  I 
mean  civilized,  useful,  rational  warfare  with  the  arms 
of  the  mind  and  the  spirit. 

"Fight!  I  say.  And  keep  up  the  fight  without  ceas 
ing.  How?  Not  by  agitating  for  your  'rights,'  nor  by 
alternately  blessing  and  cursing  a  Roosevelt  or  a  Taft, 
nor  by  waiting  for  the  'problem'  to  'settle  itself  by  'in 
dustrial  education' — but  by  binding  yourselves  together, 
asking  your  Southern  friends  to  help  you,  and  insisting 
modestly  but  with  steadfast  determination  that  the  race 
question  in  America  be  scientifically  investigated.  Think 
of  the  splendid  scientific  agencies  in  this  country  and 
wonder  at  the  small  amount  of  real  study  that  has  been 
given  to  a  problem  graver  than  war  and  pestilence! 
Race  enmity  is  worse  than  the  hookworm,  for  it  stunts 
the  generous  soul  of  the  chivalrous  Southerner. 

"Will  the  people  of  this  country  wait  for  more 
troubles  from  the  Atlantas,  the  Wilmingtons  and  the 


4Fu0e,  JFfsftt  or  JFatl*  75 

Sprjngfields?  Do  they  want  to  keep  the  South  spiritu 
ally  out  of  the  Union,  or  to  have  the  spirit  of  racial 
malignancy  overshadow  the  Union?  Are  they  going  to 
desert  you  people,  after  opening  to  you  various  illusory 
doors  of  hope?  Lincoln  could  as  truly  say  to-day  as  he 
said  fifty  years  ago  that  no  nation  can  permanently  re 
main  half-slave  and  half -free.  Your  people  are  more  or 
less  free  in  body — free  to  wander  and  to  drift — but  their 
minds  and  souls  are  enslaved  by  the  blighting  'check' 
of  subordination;  and  the  spirits  of  my  people,  a  sacred 
nation,  are  enslaved  by  apprehension,  enslaved  by  self- 
protective  bourbonism,  enslaved  by  your  consciousness 
of  political  futility  and  stigmatised  individuality. 

"Why  am  I  so  insistent?  Because  I  am  the  true  spirit 
of  the  white  man  of  the  South,  and  I  want  you  people 
to  be  free — for  your  own  sake  and  especially  for  the  sake 
of  my  own  people. 

"No  man  can  predict  what  the  end  will  be.  But 
nowadays  science  does  what  she  can  to  furnish  the  true 
prophets  material  wherewith  to  work.  Let  us  no  longer 
try  merely  to  patch  up  the  civic  health  of  the  South  with 
educational  and  other  tonics. 

"Let  us  have  more  light  and  less  heat.  We  cannot 
have  peace  until  we  have  light. 

"Lincoln,  Jefferson  and  De  Tocqueville  are  names 
great  enough  to  arrest  our  tongues  when  we  begin  to 
cry  'absurd,'  'impossible,'  whenever  a  radical  settlement, 
colonization,  is  hinted  at.  Suppose  such  a  settlement  to 
be  the  only  certain  one.  Would  it  not  be  the  part  of 
wisdom  to  get  ready  for  it  now?  And  if  such  a  thor 
oughgoing  settlement  be  shown  to  be  unnecessary  or 
impracticable,  would  it  not  be  well  to  steer  our  policy 
in  regard  to  this  question,  rather  than  to  let  it  drift? 


76         Race  S)ttf)oDorp  in  tf)e 

"If  foresight  is  the  characteristic  of  the  civilized  man 
and  science  the  glory  of  our  age,  should  we  not  call  our 
science  to  help  us  secure  foresight  and  end  this  present- 
day  blind  policy  of  drifting?" 


VIII.    THE  HOME  AND  THE  HABITATION 

(Substance  of  lecture  given  at  Mississippi  College,  Clinton, 
Miss.) 

Thoreau  says  that  sauntering  means  "Holy  Land-ing," 
or  else  "without  a  land."  Yesterday  I  got  a  new  mean 
ing  for  this  suggestion  of  the  great  walking  philosopher 
of  the  woods.  I  found  that  Mississippi  is  a  sort  of 
"holy  land"  for  whites,  and  that  the  Mississippi  negro 
is  "without  a  land."  I  was  storing  up  strength  while 
the  beautiful  autumn  lasted — strength  of  body  and  in 
spiration  that  nature,  wild  nature  alone,  can  give. 
Avoiding  the  places  where  men  do  congregate,  I  joyfully 
sauntered,  pursuing  the  trail  that  wobbled  along  mis 
cellaneously  with  an  occasional  pretense  of  being  a  road. 
Breasting  a  little  hill,  I  heard  the  sound  of  wailing,  and 
soon  perceived  that  a  ten-year-old  boy  was  "minding" 
his  baby  sister  by  teasing  and  bullying  her.  No  adult 
person  was  near;  the  house  seemed  to  be  shut  up.  I 
need  hardly  tell  you  that  the  children  were  negroes  and 
that  the  older  members  of  the  family  were  picking  cot 
ton  in  the  field.  The  house  was  more  or  less  a  habita 
tion,  but  could  hardly  be  called  a  home.  I  do  not  think 
that  a  movement  to  provide  care  for  that  negro  baby 
while  its  mother  was  away  would  prove  popular.  Was 
there  not  an  older  brother  to  tend  baby?  School  age? 
Yes,  but  what  of  that — he  is  "only  a  nigger,"  and  "nig 
ger  schools  don't  amount  to  anything  anyhow — educat 
ing  a  nigger  spoils  a  good  field  hand."  This  would  be 

77 


?s         Race  SDrtboDorp  in  tije 

said  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  there  was  an  industrial 
school  for  negroes  near  by  with  a  handful  of  pupils,  the 
scanty  remnant  of  a  flourishing  school  that  has  had 
thirty  years  of  devoted  history,  and  the  result  of  a 
Christian  white  woman's  sense  of  responsibility  for  do 
ing  something  that  would  help  to  uplift  the  negro.  The 
school  lacked  pupils,  and  all  around  were  pupils  that 
lacked  a  school.  But  why  should  the  negro  mother  have 
her  ten-year-old  boy  go  to  school?  Education  equalizes, 
and  the  whites  won't  have  anything  that  appears  to 
equalize  the  races.  After  the  cotton  is  picked,  however, 
that  negro  mother  will  send  her  boy  to  school,  because 
she  believes  that  education  will  do  something,  she  knows 
not  what,  for  him.  Sometimes  she  may  think  that  study 
ing  books  will  help  to  free  him  from  excessive  hard 
labor  such  as  she  must  perform;  but  for  the  most  part 
she  has  a  dim  feeling  that  human  beings  are  to  be  edu 
cated,  and  that  her  child  is  a  human  being  and  hence 
needs  education.  Even  horses  and  dogs  need  training. 
If  she  were  told  that  training  behind  a  plow  was  all  that 
her  boy  needed,  she  might  reply  that  educated  negroes 
get  along  better,  are  less  likely  to  be  criminal,  and  are 
more  respected  by  their  kind.  Naturally,  she  wants  her 
child  to  have  these  advantages.  If  she  is  mistaken  in 
thinking  that  school  will  help  her  boy,  it  would  be  merci 
ful  to  tell  her  so;  and  if  the  average  white  man  thinks 
that  education  will  "spoil"  that  boy,  his  allegation  ought 
to  be  investigated,  for  surely  he  does  not  regard  a  human 
being  simply  as  a  domestic  animal  without  a  soul. 

But  let  us  suppose  that  the  negro  child  is  to  be  edu 
cated;  then  how  much  education  does  he  get,  and  of 
what  kind?  If  he  goes  to  the  public  school  he  may 
reach  the  fourth  grade.  His  teacher  is  unskilled  and 
unlettered.  He  has  no  money  wherewith  to  buy  the 


Cfte  Dome  anD  tfte  habitation       79 

school  books  he  needs  at  first.  His  six  months  of  school 
ing  during  the  year  are  divided  into  two  periods  with 
several  months  between  them.  Is  it  surprising  that  the 
"literate"  negroes  that  come  from  such  schools  are  as 
likely  to  go  to  jail  as  are  negroes  that  have  not  had 
these  stupendous  "advantages"?  If  he  should  get  an 
education  that  would  teach  him  good  habits  as  well  as 
reading,  writing  and  ciphering,  and  should  become  a 
skilled  laborer,  does  he  not  cease  to  become  a  field  hand, 
and  thus  complicate  the  labor  problem,  and  at  the  same 
time  enter  into  competition  with  the  superior  white  race  ? 

Granted  that  he  will  find  work  for  some  years  to 
come,  is  there  any  indication  that  the  white  boys  of  the 
South  are  going  to  turn  over  the  skilled  trades  to  the 
negro  ?  And  does  the  labor  union  situation  at  the  North 
encourage  the  negro  to  hope  for  good  things  in  that 
direction?  In  a  town  to  the  south  of  this  college  town 
negroes  are  not  allowed  to  work  as  carpenters  and  brick 
layers.  In  a  community  to  the  north  all  negroes  have 
been  driven  out.  In  a  large  town  to  the  west  all  negroes 
not  definitely  at  work  are  arrested  because  some  one  has 
shot  at  a  street  car  conductor.  (This  application  of  the 
"vagrancy  law"  would  scarcely  be  tolerated  if  white 
visitors  should  be  arrested  as  vagrants.)  To  the  east 
of  this  place  a  white  man  who  mutilated  a  negro  girl 
has  escaped  justice  without  any  serious  trouble  in  so 
doing. 

Will  education  help  such  conditions?  Only  on  con 
dition  that  the  educated  negroes  have  more  white  friends 
than  the  uneducated  ones  possess.  But  the  negro  mother 
has  a  suspicion  that  perfectly  illiterate  negroes  are  more 
helpless  than  even  partially  educated  ones.  If  she  is 
wrong  it  would  be  a  pity  not  to  tell  her  so.  If  she  is 
wrong  we  should  be  able  to  find  out  the  truth,  and  then 


so         Race  ©ttftotiorp  in  tfje 

to  ask  ourselves  the  question,  why  should  education  be 
good  for  all  other  races  but  bad  for  the  negro?  And 
should  we  decide  that  the  white  man's  temporary  labor 
advantage  ought  to  be  the  test  of  the  advisability  of 
educating  the  negro  or  else  of  leaving  him  in  absolute 
intellectual  darkness,  so  that  he  cannot  even  read  his 
Bible  or  sign  his  name  to  a  law  paper?  Knowing,  as 
we  do,  if  we  know  anything  at  all  of  the  white  people 
of  this  part  of  the  country,  that  there  are  no  people  on 
earth  more  really  religious  and  more  tender-hearted  and 
chivalrous,  would  it  not  be  well  to  find  out  why  good 
people  seem  to  be  so  ruthless  in  "keeping  the  negro 
down"?  But  let  us  return  to  our  sauntering  walk. 

The  house  on  the  right  of  the  rambling  road  gives 
us  painful  thoughts,  for  it  is  not  a  home  and  hardly 
hopes  to  be  one.  How  is  it  with  the  house  on  the  other 
side  of  the  road  and  a  rod  or  two  further  on?  It  too 
seems  to  be  poverty  stricken.  But  it  is  a  home.  The 
mother  is  there.  True,  she  is  working  harder  than  does 
the  woman  in  the  cotton  patch.  True,  she  herself  works 
at  cotton  picking  in  a  pinch.  What,  then,  is  her  advan 
tage?  She  is  working  for  her  children  at  home,  and 
her  children  are  attending  a  good  school  taught  by  com 
petent  teachers,  and  enjoying  opportunities  that  promise 
illimitable  possibilities.  There  is  no  bar  to  her  children's 
hopes.  Her  boy  may  be  president;  her  girl  may  be  the 
wife  of  a  senator,  or  something  much  better.  Humble 
as  her  family  may  be,  nothing  stands  in  the  way  of  their 
rising  in  the  social  scale  through  their  own  exertions  by 
the  grace  of  God.  Her  children  will  be  vouchsafed  all 
civil  rights  and  due  protection  of  laws.  She  and  hers 
are  the  heirs  of  all  the  ages  and  need  only  to  take  their 
own.  Not  only  do  her  children  get  education  in  school, 
but  also  in  church,  at  home,  and  through  participation  in 


Cfte  $)ome  anD  tfte  habitation       Si 

all  the  free  institutions  of  a  free  and  freedom-loving 
state  and  country. 

Now  comes  the  philanthropic  friend  of  abstract  human 
rights  and  tells  us  that  these  violent  contrasts  between 
the  rights  and  opportunities  of  the  two  races  should  not 
exist.  He  asks  the  question:  Do  you  believe  it  right 
or  expedient  to  let  the  lazy  and  immoral  white  man 
believe  himself  to  be  better  than  the  thrifty  and  moral 
negro?  Do  you  think  that  the  doctrine  of  a  protective 
tariff  should  be  extended  to  human  rights,  so  that  the 
negro  is  given  a  handicap  and  the  white  man  a  bounty? 

Well,  things  human  are  never  as  simple  as  they  seem. 
The  mother  of  a  weak  and  inefficient  child  might  con 
ceivably  say  to  herself,  "Why  should  I  waste  love  and 
care  on  my  weakling?  Why  not  let  the  doctrine  of 
natural  selection  and  survival  of  the  fittest  obtain?"  I 
need  not  say  that  she  asks  no  such  question  and  has  no 
such  thought.  Just  because  her  offspring  is  weak  and 
inefficient,  she  lavishes  on  it  all  the  wealth  of  mother- 
love,  and  stands  like  a  lioness  to  defend  the  "unfit" 
child.  Let  the  friends  of  abstract  human  rights  use 
any  argument  they  will  at  the  South  except  that  which 
would  indicate  a  willingness  to  allow  any  negro  to 
triumph  over  any  white  man !  The  solidarity  of  race  is 
ours,  is  a  part  of  our  religion.  We  will  do  all  we  can 
to  make  our  weaklings  efficient;  but  we  shall  continue 
to  love  them  and  care  for  them  and  protect  them  even 
from  their  own  foolishness.  We  are  the  people,  even 
though  we  know  that  wisdom  shall  not  die  with  us. 
Every  white  man  is  our  brother  in  a  sense  whereof  the 
negro  can  never  know.  The  South  fought  for  the 
principle  that  patriotism  begins  with  the  blood  kin;  nor 
could  the  arbitrament  of  arms  change  that  principle  in 
any  respect.  From  the  known  to  the  unknown,  from 


82         mace  2Drt!)oDo*j?  in  tfte  Soutft 

the  concrete  to  the  abstract,  from  the  home  to  the  nation, 
from  the  fact  to  the  possibility — these  are  Southern 
slogans,  and  they  ought  to  be  rallying  cries  for  all  men 
who  believe  in  the  principle  that,  if  we  love  not  our 
brother  whom  we  have  seen,  how  can  we  love  aliens 
that  we  cannot  assimilate? 

We  are  willing  for  the  negro  to  come  into  his  own, 
but  not  at  the  expense  of  white  solidarity  and  white 
supremacy;  nor  even  though  the  whole  negro  race  were 
helped  by  the  shaming  of  a  few  white  individuals.  Na 
ture  has  selected  us,  God  has  made  us  a  chosen  people ; 
we  therefore  take  care  of  our  own,  and  all  of  them. 
When  philanthropists  insist  on  lifting  the  negro  up,  we 
feel  justified  in  saying  that  the  white  race  must  be  lifted 
up  correspondingly. 

The  abstract  philanthropist,  however,  does  not  under 
stand  this  position.  He  wants  to  know  how  it  can  hap 
pen  that  white  solidarity  or  white  supremacy  can  be 
injured  by  giving  negroes  the  right  of  citizenship  and  a 
kind  of  courtesy  that  will  not  lead  to  social  commingling 
of  the  races.  Can  we  make  the  world  understand  our 
Southern  position?  For  the  civilized  nations  are  asking 
the  question  put  forth  by  the  philanthropist.  Our  answer 
must  ever  be  that  democracy  normally  means  equality; 
that  every  human  institutional  promise  to  pay  must  have 
a  cash  value  in  social  opportunity,  if  these  notes  are  to 
be  aught  more  than  the  fiat  money  of  philosophical 
abstractions. 

Politics  means  social  commingling.  Aye,  the  wise  saw, 
"politics  makes  strange  bedfellows,"  is  more  than  a  fig 
ure  of  speech.  Every  barbecue,  every  political  meeting, 
every  "dollar  dinner,"  every  assertion  regarding  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution — all 
these  things  and  many  more  mean  at  least  potential  or 


€i>e  IDome  anD  tbe  habitation       83 

implicit  social  communion.  We  are  willing  to  grant 
the  abstract  dogma  that  every  man's  civic  rights,  and 
hence  his  social  rights,  ought  to  be  determined  by  his 
intrinsic  character  and  real,  inner  social  availability;  but 
social  equality  in  the  abstract  inevitably  leads  to  the 
assertion  of  the  rights  of  social  communion  at  some 
time.  Hence,  although  we  Southerners  appear  to  be 
contending  against  the  doctrine  of  abstract  social  equal 
ity,  we  are  really  fighting  against  anything  that  will  lead 
even  indirectly  to  the  assertion  of  the  right  to  social 
commingling  between  the  races.  History  has  shown  us, 
through  patricians  and  plebeians,  through  Saxons  and 
Normans,  that  political  and  social  rights  are  organically 
connected  in  such  wise  that  one  inevitably  tends  to  beget 
the  other.  And  De  Tocqueville,  in  his  great  work  on 
Democracy  in  America,  has  pointed  out  once  for  all  the 
evident  truth  that,  when  all  are  equally  citizens,  all  tend 
to  draw  together  in  every  way  concerned  with  mutual 
interests. 

Citizenship  is  an  empty  name  unless  social  communion 
and  intermarriage  cause  that  necessary  fusion  of  ele 
ments  without  which  a  democracy  cannot  persist.  The 
behavior  of  the  negroes  during  reconstruction  times  is 
still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  all  Southerners.  The  negro 
now  "knows  his  place"  tolerably  well;  and  the  South 
will  do  or  willingly  allow  nothing  that  will  tend  to  make 
the  negro  think  that  he  is  "as  good  as  a  white  man." 
Individually,  and  in  the  eternal  vision  of  God,  many 
negroes  may  be  far  more  valuable  as  souls  than  many 
whites;  but  the  blood,  the  tradition,  the  territory  are 
ours,  and  a  strained  and  unnatural,  halt  and  blind  citi 
zenship  can  do  nothing  for  the  negro  but  incite  in  him 
ambitions  that  the  white  folk  of  the  South  are  not 
willing  to  tolerate.  Show  us,  say  the  Southerners,  that 


84        Kace  DrtboDogp  in  tfte 

there  is  no  historical  and  no  organic  connection  between 
the  various  equalities,  but  that  human  life  is  a  set  of 
arbitrary,  disconnected  "equalities,"  no  one  of  which  is 
necessarily  connected  with  another;  show  us,  too,  if  any 
assimilation  other  than  that  of  intermarriage  has  ever 
welded  together  diverse  peoples; — show  us  these  things, 
and  prove  our  instinct  for  solidarity  to  be  but  illusory 
moonshine,  and  we  shall  consider  your  arguments  for 
the  exhibition  and  functioning  of  abstract  human  rights 
on  the  part  of  the  negro.  We  don't  deny  the  rights ;  we 
insist  only  that  they  be  held  in  abeyance  because  the 
public  welfare  demands  it.  And  we  are  primarily  the 
public,  its  welfare  is  primarily  our  welfare. 

The  negro  has  become  segregated  in  church,  lodge, 
and  in  all  other  institutional-social  ways.  It  may  be 
possible  to  segregate  him  in  his  political  "rights."  That 
is  a  matter  for  investigation.  But  he  must  be  treated 
as  a  race  politically  as  well  as  in  every  other  social  way. 
The  very  words,  patriotism,  fatherland,  nation,  ought  to 
show  us  the  social  basis,  yea,  the  home  basis,  of  political 
institutions.  To  empty  politics  of  the  social  feature 
would  be  to  dehumanize  it  and  render  it  even  more  dan 
gerously  machine-like  than  it  often  is  to-day.  Party 
leaders  are  treated  as  heroes.  When  men  have  heroes 
in  common,  and  work  for  them,  when  men  have  ideals 
in  common,  and  these  are  connected  with  their  native 
land,  how  is  it  possible  to  allow  the  notion  of  mere 
"contract"  government  to  displace  entirely  the  idea  of 
human  status  with  its  rich  "fringe"  of  instinctive  social 
relations  ? 

The  contract  idea  of  the  family  has  already  caused 
untold  mischief.  True,  marriage  is  a  contract;  but  the 
home  is  also  an  institution  of  status.  Reform  and  im 
prove  the  status  relations,  if  you  please;  let  conjugal 


Cfte  Dome  and  tfte  J^a&itattoit       85 

reciprocity  in  rights  and  privileges  take  the  place  of 
one-sided  rights;  but  do  nothing  to  injure  the  sacredness 
of  a  status  that  is  founded  on  imperative  instinct  and 
hallowed  by  immemorial  custom.  So  with  the  state. 
We  Democrats  do  not  desire  "paternal"  government. 
But  we  do  not  wish  for  "machine"  government,  either. 
If  government  ever  loses  its  human  features  and  be 
comes  simply  a  matter  of  bookkeeping  and  business, 
men  will  seek  paternalism  because  it  is  at  least  human 
and  founded  on  instinct.  Let  the  machine  features  of 
government  be  efficiently  administered  on  a  purely  busi 
ness  basis,  but  forget  not  that  the  voter  means  vastly 
more  than  a  numerical  unit,  and  remember  that  contract 
can  never  destroy  instinct  and  hero  worship  and  the 
social  values  of  politics. 

Perhaps  the  South  injects  more  sociality  into  its 
politics  than  the  rest  of  the  country  does.  In  the  South 
conservative  ideas  of  family  life  obtain,  and  the  "old- 
fashioned  religion"  is  more  popular  than  elsewhere. 
Rural  life  and  farming  undoubtedly  help  men  to  asso 
ciate  politics  with  sociality.  Then,  too,  kinship  and  the 
call  of  the  blood  kin  help  to  keep  alive  in  the  South  the 
etymological  meaning  of  the  word  nature.  At  all  events, 
even  granting  that  the  South  is  old-fashioned  in  viewing 
politics  as  connected  with  sociality,  our  making  common 
cause  against  those  who  were  concerned  with  negro 
domination  during  reconstruction  times  has  resulted  in 
a  growing  sense  of  race  solidarity  and  a  feeling  that  the 
Solid  South  idea  has  not  only  a  political  but  also  a  racial 
and  a  social  meaning.  If  the  South  should  become  con 
verted  to  the  notion  that  some  human  institutions  need 
not  in  any  way  be  connected  with  social  values,  a  change 
of  attitude  might  occur  with  regard  to  giving  the  negro 
a  chance  at  the  ballot  box.  Even  if  such  a  change  should 


86         mace  S)rtJ)oDo£P  in  t&e 

come,  it  would  simply  indicate  that  Southerners  were 
willing  that  the  negroes  should  have  political  represen 
tation  as  a  race,  and  representation  that  would  not  inter 
fere  with  normal  political  conditions. 

On  my  way  home  from  the  walk  above  referred  to  I 
met  a  little  negro  child,  a  mere  toddler.  He  smiled 
benignly  and  touched  my  coat  in  friendly  fashion  as  I 
passed.  Pretty  soon  he  will  "know  better."  My  own 
child  spoke  of  negro  women  as  "black  ladies"  when  he 
lived  in  California,  where  a  negro  was  seldom  seen  and 
where  it  was  unnecessary  to  discuss  the  negro  question. 
A  few  months  later  the  little  two-year-old  had  learned 
to  "discriminate,"  and  had  described  a  negro  man  at 
the  front  door  as  a  "nigger,"  not  a  "gentleman."  Noth 
ing  had  been  said  to  him  by  the  adult  members  of  the 
household ;  but  he  had  become  indoctrinated  through  the 
very  atmosphere  of  South  Carolina  social  life. 

Both  of  the  above  incidents  illustrate  the  evident  fact 
that  race  feeling  is  not  instinctive.  If  it  were  a  deep- 
seated  instinct,  much  of  the  Southern  guarding  of  the 
"color  line"  would  appear  foolish;  but  the  race  feeling 
is  a  tradition  and  a  part  of  religious  culture  at  the  South, 
and  has  hence  become  a  sort  of  secondary  instinct,  a 
social  custom  and  habit. 

When  I  was  a  child  no  objection  was  made  when  a 
little  white  child  caressed  his  colored  nurse.  Nowadays 
the  thing  is  usually  discouraged  and  oftentimes  vigor 
ously  prevented.  Even  the  children  must  not  be  al 
lowed  to  "cross  the  color  line,"  lest  the  negroes  should 
in  some  way  "presume."  Much  of  the  Northern  man's 
reluctance  to  have  the  negro  brought  into  intimate  re 
lationship  with  whites  as  a  menial  is  now  felt  by  many 
Southerners.  Is  all  this  simply  a  kind  of  cruelty,  or  is 
it  the  cruelty  of  real  kindness  ?  In  most  cases  the  latter, 


Cfte  l^ome  attD  tfie  J^a&itatiott       87 

I  think.  Dear  experience  has  taught  the  Southerner  that 
the  negro  is  best  off  when  he  keeps  his  place  in  every 
respect.  The  old  kindly  relationships  of  slavery  at  its 
best  are  now  impossible ;  the  f reedman  does  not  wish  the 
privileges  of  a  Newfoundland  dog,  and  the  whites  ap 
preciate  the  patent  fact  that  even  the  kindlier  phenomena 
of  slavery  are  now  out  of  place,  and  that  exhibitions 
of  advanced  democracy  in  social  matters  had  better  be 
reserved  altogether  for  white  people  as  their  objects. 

Granted,  then,  that  the  racial  orthodoxy  of  the  South 
has  a  measure  of  rational  justification,  should  we  exult 
in  our  position  as  a  dominant  race,  continue  for  all  time 
to  make  the  negro  acutely  conscious  on  all  occasions  of 
his  inferiority?  Shall  we  give  full  rein  to  arrogance 
and  bourbonism?  Not  so,  if  our  civilization  is  really 
democratic  and  humanitarian — not  to  say  Christian.  Let 
us  regard  the  color  line  as  one  drawn  by  reason  and 
conscience,  and  not  by  passion  and  prejudice.  If  our 
rights  and  reasonable  racial  principles  tend  to  be  habit 
ual  and  instinctive,  no  harm  is  done  and  much  good, 
for  we  need  habit  and  instinct  for  our  everyday  conduct. 
But  woe  to  us  if  we  sell  our  birthright  of  democracy 
and  humaneness  for  a  mess  of  blind  and  passionate  race 
enmity !  Holding  fast  to  our  dogmatic  belief  in  our  race 
and  its  rights,  let  us  not  forget  God's  child-races,  and 
their  rights,  and  our  duties  to  them.  Let  us  not  flaunt 
our  supremacy  in  their  faces.  Let  us  not  tell  them  that 
we  want  them  to  exist  simply  for  our  own  selfish  pur 
poses.  Let  us  hold  out  to  them  the  hope  of  ultimate 
full  development  as  a  race,  though  never  at  our  expense. 
Although  the  white  people  of  this  country  should  never 
consent  to  have  the  South's  development  permanently 
retarded  on  account  of  a  desire  to  "give  the  negro  jus 
tice,"  there  must  be  some  way  under  high  heaven 


88         mace  a>rtf)oDcu#  in  tfte 

whereby  this  conflict  of  duties  can  be  ameliorated. 
Surely  investigation  will  point  out  some  method  by 
which  the  negroes  can  get  all  that  freemen  should  have, 
and  yet  without  any  crossing  of  the  color  line,  without 
any  holding  out  of  vain  hopes  to  the  negroes  that  they 
may  ultimately  break  down  "race  prejudice"  among  the 
whites. 

I  am  a  radical  Southerner  so  far  as  the  chief  tenet  of 
our  distinctively  Southern  faith  is  concerned ;  but  I  have 
no  sympathy  with  the  kind  of  radicalism  that  forgets 
its  humanity  and  revels  in  the  thought  of  permanent 
spiritual  slavery  for  the  negroes.  Much  harm  has  been 
done  to  the  negro's  cause  by  worthy  Northern  and  South 
ern  champions  who  declaim  against  the  extreme  state 
ment  of  "southernism" ;  for  the  Southern  people  have 
developed  their  "secondary  instinct"  of  raciality  so  that 
it  has  become  a  fine  instrument  for  detecting  even  the 
subconscious  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  negro's  special 
advocates  to  soften  in  some  wise  the  sharpness  of  defini 
tion  of  the  color  line.  Southern  "prejudice"  is  not  mere 
caste  feeling,  but  is  race  feeling  that  can  give  a  good 
reason  for  its  existence.  The  negro  is  not  simply  a  lower 
class  in  the  community;  he  is  a  different  race,  with  all 
grades  of  character  and  individual  value.  It  is  not  ex 
pedient  for  us  to  treat  individual  negroes  as  individuals 
in  any  way  that  even  indirectly  suggests  social  recog 
nition.  An  illiterate  white  may  well  be  able  to  look  the 
highest  negro  in  the  face  and  refuse  him  the  slightest 
sign  of  social  recognition  such  as  he  would  accord  a 
white  man.  Not  that  he  need  claim  to  be  the  negro's 
personal  superior — in  the  sight  of  God.  But  the 
humblest  white  man  is  still  a  Caucasian,  though  the  least 
of  Caucasians ;  and  the  noblest  negro  is  still  an  African 
though  he  be  king  of  Africans.  Only  this  attitude  can 


Cfte  Dome  and  tfte  habitation       89 

prevent  the  gradual  breaking  down  of  racial  distinctions. 
The  true  Southerner  would  prefer  to  put  up  even  with 
hellish  exhibitions  of  race  ferocity  than  do  anything  to 
break  down  even  the  most  remote  outpost  that  guards 
the  citadel  of  the  elect  people  of  this  land. 

Race  pride  in  itself  may  be  nothing  worth  while,  but 
when  it  guards,  however  unreasonably  in  appearance, 
what  Southerners  believe  the  manifest  will  of  God  that 
the  white  race  retain  its  leadership  and  make  no  pre 
tense  of  ever  sharing  its  heritage  with  any  blood  too 
alien  for  assimilation,  race  pride,  yea,  even  race  enmity, 
harsh  and  cruel  as  it  may  become,  would  appear  to  be 
the  chastening  rod  of  Jehovah  that  warns  the  two  races 
to  remain  forever  separate. 

But — here  is  the  problem:  How  to  keep  the  races 
separate  and  yet  retain  the  practice  of  American  prin 
ciples  in  their  fulness  in  the  same  territory  and  under 
the  same  institutions,  under  conditions  of  daily  contact! 
Young  men,  will  you  do  your  part  in  compelling  the 
attention  of  our  people  to  focus  itself  on  the  scientific 
investigation  of  this  most  human  of  practical  problems? 

Let  us  return  now  to  our  first  illustrative  example  of 
home  vs.  habitation.  A  home  is  a  state  of  congenial 
sociality  wherein  faith  and  hope  and  love  do  dwell.  Has 
the  negro  faith  in  his  past  or  hope  for  his  future,  or 
love  for  his  present  condition?  The  other  day  I  heard 
a  white  man  give  the  following  synopsis  of  a  lecture 
that  he  was  going  to  deliver  to  a  negro  institute:  The 
negro  is  an  animal  without  a  history,  a  man  without  a 
country,  a  citizen  without  the  protection  of  law,  a  hus 
band  without  loyalty,  and  a  father  without  authority! 
Granted,  gladly  granted,  that  many  a  negro  household 
proves  this  statement  to  be  far  from  universally  true. 
Nevertheless,  what  is  home  without  hope?  And  how 


90         Kate  jaDttftoDosp  in  tfie 

can  a  people  hope  when  there  are  no  signs  of  ultimate 
human  freedom  for  them,  freedom  of  complete  spiritual 
manhood  and  citizenship?  A  negro  was  recently  asked 
if  certain  negroes  lived  in  such  and  such  places.  In  each 
case  he  said:  "He  stays  there."  A  home  ought  to  be 
not  simply  a  breeding  place  of  bodies,  but  the  nesting 
place  of  free  souls.  Sooner  or  later  the  true  home  spirit 
is  lost  when  the  children  of  the  home  may  not  look  for 
ward  to  complete  living  and  full  citizenship.  For  the 
state  and  the  church  and  all  human  institutions  are  rooted 
and  nurtured  in  the  home.  If  children  are  bred  to 
believe  themselves  forever  subordinate;  if  they  feel  them 
selves  to  be  forever  shut  out  from  some  of  the  legiti 
mate  aspirations  of  free  humanity;  if  the  very  face  of 
Providence  is  veiled  from  them  because  of  the  accident 
of  race;  if  thrift  and  culture  and  good  conduct  count  as 
nothing  in  the  life  of  the  state  and  the  pursuit  of  happi 
ness;  if,  in  a  word,  the  future  does  not  lure  them  on 
to  a  day  of  the  sunshine  of  sufficing  human  oppor 
tunity — how  easily  do  the  most  sacred  relationships 
come  to  appear  as  dull  limitations  without  promise  of 
perfection !  How  easily  does  faith  shrivel  and  love  pine 
away  when  the  buoyant  presence  of  hope  has  departed! 
Homes  without  hope?  There  may  have  been  such  in 
the  world's  history,  but  they  thrive  but  poorly  when  this 
day  and  hour  spell  opportunity  and  freedom  to  the 
favored  nations  of  the  favored  races,  and  when  every 
normal  individual  of  a  favored  race  may  become  a  com 
plete  individual. 

The  presence  of  the  negro  may  be  a  black  blight  on 
the  South,  but  the  really  deadly  blight  is  in  our  hearts 
do  we  content  ourselves  in  this  Christian  country  of 
opportunity  with  dull  and  stupid  acquiescence  in  the 


Cfte  Dome  anD  tftc  Dabitation       91 

very  existence  of  un freedom  in  our  land  and  at  our 
doors ! 

"And  now,  men  and  women  of  America,  is  this  a 
thing  to  be  trifled  with,  apologized  for,  and  passed  over 
in  silence?" 

We  white  folk  must  rule  in  this  white  man's  land, 
but  how  can  we  rule  our  own  hearts  through  love  to 
God  and  man  when  every  circumstance  of  our  daily 
lives  encourages  in  us  a  temper  of  arrogant  overlord- 
ship? 


IX.    RACE  ORTHODOXY  IN   THE  SOUTH 
(From  Neale's  Monthly  Magazine,  November,  1913.) 

The  soulful  brevity  of  wit  and  worth  is  something 
greatly  to  be  desired  in  the  discussion  of  the  negro 
question.  If  one  have  no  patent  of  nobility  with  re 
gard  to  authoritativeness,  he  may  show  forth  a  virtue 
allied  to  it, — that  of  straightforward  directness, — even 
if  he  may  lack  the  larger  wisdom  and  the  wider  wit.  If 
the  reader  will  kindly  accede  to  the  truth  underlying  the 
proposition  just  stated  he  will  perhaps  pardon  a  some 
what  abbreviated  presentation  of  a  very  large  subject. 

The  race  attitude  of  the  Southern  whites  is  not  a 
code  of  cases  but  a  creed  of  a  people, — a  part  of  their 
morality  and  of  their  religion.  If  this  attitude  seems 
not  to  square  with  the  democratic  and  Christian  ethics 
of  the  world,  there  is  need  that  it  take  stock  of  itself. 
The  cocksure  arrogance  that  hugs  its  provincial  self- 
sufficiency  and  casts  sour  looks  at  ethical  world  stand 
ards  merits  the  name  of  foolish  Bourbonism,  if  not  a 
worse  name.  I,  for  one,  hold  that  the  South  is  com 
pelled  by  the  logic  of  events  and  the  conscience  of  the 
world  to  explain  her  attitude  to  men  of  good  will  every 
where. 


Here  is  the  racial  creed  of  the  Southern  people  as 
expressed  by  a  group  of  representative  Southerners  dur 
ing  the  past  few  months: 

92 


mace  fflmftoDoxp  in  tfte  ^outi)       93 


i.     "Blood  will  tell." 

2,.     The  white  race  must  dominate. 

3.  The  Teutonic  peoples  stand  for  race  purity. 

4.  The  negro-is  inferior  and  will  remain  so. 

5.  "This  is  a  white  man's  country." 

6.  No  social  equality. 

7.  No  political  equality. 

8.  In^  matters  of  civil  rights  and  legal  adjustments 
give  thtfwnite  man,  as  opposed  to  the  colored  man,  the 
benefit  of  the  doubt;  and  under  no  circumstances  inter 
fere  with  the  prestige  of  the  white  race. 

9.  In  educational  policy  let  the  negro  have  the  crumbs 
that  fall  from  the  white  man's  table. 

10.  Let  there  be  such  industrial  education  of  the 
negro  as  will  best  fit  him  to  serve  the  white  man. 

1  1.     Only  Southerners  understand  the  negro  question. 

12.  Let  the  South  settle  the  negro  question. 

13.  The  status  of  peasantry  is  all  the  negro  may  hope 
for,  if  the  races  are  to  live  together  in  peace. 

14.  Let  the  lowest  white  man  count  for  more  than 
the  highest  negro. 

15.  The  above  statements  indicate  the  leadings  of 
Providence. 

This  creedal  statement  is  practically  the  common  opin 
ion  of  the  South,  or  as  near  that  opinion  as  I  can  set  it 
down  at  the  present  writing.  But  is  it  a  true  orthodoxy, 
a  right  opinion  ?  Not  in  its  present  shape,  though  much 
of  its  underlying  meaning  is  right  enough.  Let  us  there 
fore  attempt  to  restate,  in  the  form  of  a  commentary, 
the  creed  of  "Southernism"  in  a  more  adequate  form, 
in  order  that  it  may  better  give  a  reason  for  the  faith 
that  is  in  it,  and  better  square  itself  with  the  recognized 
standards  of  American  democracy  and  Christian  ethics. 


94         Race  2Drtf)oDo*p  in  tfie  Soutft 


ii 

1.  "Blood   will   tell."     In   this   age   of   interest   in 
eugenics, — when  men  are  coming  to  regard  the  forces 
of  heredity  as  the  "capital"  of  the  races,  and  the  forces 
of  environment,  including  education,  as  racial  "income," 
— we  are  not  justified  in  neglecting  the  paramount  im 
portance  of  keeping  up  the  physical  stock  of  the  higher 
racial  types,  even  if  in  so  doing  the  less  developed  races 
may  not  be  favored  to  the  extent  of  their  desires.    Judg 
ing  the  future  by  the  past,  as  we  must  do,  we  have  no 
reason  to  believe  that  it  will  conduce  to  the  ultimate 
welfare  of  the  world  if  we  fail  to  give  sufficient  play 
to  the  forces  of  selection,  be  they  "natural"  or  "arti 
ficial,"   "biological"  or  "social."     The  popular  concept 
of  the  potency  of  blood  and  race  has  sufficient  scientific 
warrant  for  all  the  practical  purposes  of  political  insight 
and  foresight. 

2.  "The  white  race  must  dominate."    History  tells  us 
that  the  higher  civilization  of  to-day  has  been  wrought 
out  by  the  white  race  in  its  various  branches.    The  rapid 
rise  in  recent  times  of  such  a  people  as  the  Japanese, — 
due  as  it  undoubtedly  is  to  the  partial  assimilation  of 
Caucasian  culture  by  this  Asiatic  people, — gives  us  no 
reason  to  believe  that  the  dominant  place  in  the  world's 
life  and  work  will  not  continue  to  be  held  by  the  white 
race  that  has  made  the  rise  of  the  Japanese  possible. 
Moreover,  the  Japanese  are  yet  to  prove  that  their  recent 
achievements  in  culture  will  stand  the  test  of  time  and 
that  their  powers  of  imitation  are  destined  to  lead  to  the 
powers  of  initiative  possessed  by  the  white  race.     The 
primacy  of  the  white  nations  need  not  mean  the  un 
ethical  exploitation  of  other  races ;  but  it  does  mean  that 


Race  2Drtl)oDo*p  in  tfte  §>outl)        95 

the  ethical  stocks  which  now  hold  the  supremacy  are 
not  at  all  likely  to  yield  it,  should  conflict  arise. 

If  the  white  race  holds  its  own  there  will  be  no  oppor 
tunity  for  any  other  racial  type  to  acquire  such  power 
and  prestige  as  that  now  enjoyed  by  the  primary  makers 
of  the  world's  civilization.  Until  another  race  shows 
its  ability  to  establish  a  religion,  a  code  of  ethics,  social 
institutions,  forms  of  government,  literature,  art,  and 
so  on,  equal  to  those  that  have  come  into  being  through 
the  agency  of  the  white  nations,  "the  white  race  must 
dominate."  If  the  various  races  are  kept  apart  geo 
graphically,  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  any  con 
flict  need  arise  because  of  the  superior  world  power  pos 
sessed  by  the  present  leading  nations  of  Europe  and 
America. 

3.  "The  Teutonic  peoples  stand  for  race  purity."  It 
is  likely  that  the  Teutonic  stocks  are  the  most  dif 
ferentiated  peoples  of  the  white  race,  and  that  they  pos 
sess  to-day,  partly  through  admixture  with  other  white 
stocks,  a  commanding  position  in  all  the  continents, — a 
position  from  which  they  are  not  likely  to  be  dispos 
sessed.  They  are  the  great  colonizers  and  empire  build 
ers.  Their  influence  among  all  nations  is  constantly 
increasing.  Hence  their  acute  consciousness  of  race  is 
the  strongest  guarantee  that  the  Caucasian  stocks  will 
be  kept  comparatively  pure  from  admixture  with  other 
racial  types,  and  that  the  Teutonic  valuation  of  racial 
pedigree  will  more  and  more  extend  to  other  peoples  of 
the  dominant  race.  Indeed,  there  are  indications  that 
the  so-called  Slavic  and  Keltic  people  are  following  the 
lead  of  the  Teutonic  peoples  in  this  matter.  Until  sci 
ence  advocates  the  intermixture  of  primary  racial  types 
it  is  not  likely  that  Teutonic  ideals  of  racial  purity  will 


96        mace  SDrtboDoip  in  tt>e 

be  overborne.    And  science  shows  no  tendency  to  advise 
such  inter-racial  mixture. 

4.  "The  negro  is  inferior  and  will  remain  so."     It 
is  generally  admitted,  even  in  the  most  conservative  scien 
tific  circles,  that  the  negro  race,  as  a  type,  is  at  present 
inferior  to  the  white  race.     Although  some  scientific  men 
see  no  reason  for  doubting  the  negro's  ability  to  fit  him 
self  into  the  conditions  of  modern  civilization  in  the 
future,  no  first-class  man  of  science  is  rash  enough  to 
predict  that  the  average  of  development  of  the  negro 
race  in  the  South  will  equal  that  of  the  white  people 
of  the  South  within  any  assignable  period.    Nor  should 
any  "friend  of  humanity"  wish  to  see  the  masses  of  the 
negro  people  lifted  up  at  the  expense  of   the  white, 
either  through  the  mixture  of  blood  or  through  educa 
tional  neglect  of  the  whites  in  favor  of  the  negroes. 
However  promising  the  outlook  may  be  for  a  small  per 
centage  of  the  negro  people,  the  signs  of  promise  for 
the  poorest  classes  of  whites  are  very  much  greater ;  and 
the  Southern  people  can  be  trusted  to  see  to  it  that 
their  "submerged  tenth"  shall  have  greater  opportuni 
ties  for  development  than  any  that  are  likely  to  be  offered 
to  the  submerged  negro  nine-tenths.    For  the  low-grade 
white  man  has  the  higher  potency  and  promise  in  his 
blood,  and  furthermore  there  is  a  favored  race  under 
standing  implied  in  the  very  conditions  of  the  Southern 
situation,  by  the  very  nature  of  the  case. 

5.  "This  is  a  white  man's  country,"  because  the  white 
man  acquired  it;  made  it  what  it  is;  contributes  eight- 
ninths  of  the  population;  represents  a  much  greater  pro 
portion  of  the  intelligence,  wealth,  and  civilization  in 
general;  formed  a  government  and  developed  institu 
tions  for  white  men,  and  will  not  yield  one  jot  or  tittle 
of  his  present  advantages.     Not  only  will  enlightened 


Race  £>rtl)oDo*p  in  tfte  ^outij        97 

self-love  compel  him  to  hold  that  which  is  his,  but  the 
welfare  of  the  world  is  better  conserved  by  this  country's 
remaining  specifically  the  land  of  the  white  man. 

Racial  traits  always  color  habits,  customs,  institutions, 
modes  of  thought,  feeling,  and  action.  But  Afro- 
Americanism,  no  matter  what  its  merits,  will  not  be 
allowed  to  constitute  any  discernible  part  or  aspect  of 
the  spirit  of  the  people  of  this  country.  To  grant  to  a 
nonassimilable  people,  with  different  mores  or  racial  pe 
culiarities,  privileges  that  would  stimulate  them  to  seek 
for  entrance  into  the  psychological  and  social  heritage 
of  national  temperament  and  disposition  would  be  to 
love  one's  alien  neighbor  better  than  one's  national  self, 
— a  counsel  of  perfection  put  forward  neither  by  sound 
philosophy  nor  practical  religion.  To  the  white  first — 
and  also  to  the  negro!  If  the  whites  prove  themselves 
unheeding  of  the  summons  to  go  up  higher,  then  it  will 
be  time  to  say,  "To  the  white  and  the  negro  equally  and 
at  the  same  time."  Let  the  sentimentalist  that  argues  to 
the  contrary  of  this  position  tell  us  wherein  our  view 
conflicts  with  the  enlightened  policy  of  the  best  peoples 
of  the  earth. 

Nationality,  like  marriage,  is  something  more  than  a 
contract;  hence,  until  the  constitution  of  nature  is 
amended  through  triumphs  of  national  self-sacrificing 
grace  as  yet  undreamed  of  even  by  the  saints,  "this  is 
a  white  man's  country!"  This  doctrine  by  no  means 
impugns  the  negro's  rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness;  nor  does  it  condemn  him  to  anything 
less  than  the  freest  and  fullest  spiritual  life  wherever  he 
can  assimilate  himself  to  the  conditions  of  his  environ 
ment  or  can  conquer  for  himself  the  right  of  racial 
ascendency.  If  he  can  unfurl  his  flag  somewhere  and 
truthfully  say,  "This  is  a  colored  man's  country!"  the 


98         Race  SDrtboDarp  in  tfte 

Southern  white  man  will  wish  him  success  and  help  him 
to  achieve  it.  But  the  white  man  of  America  wants  and 
will  have  nothing  less  than  white  civilization,  outside, 
inside,  through  and  through,  without  in  any  wise  casting 
aspersions  on  the  yellow  man's  or  the  black  man's  merits, 
real  or  alleged.  At  bottom  this  is  the  white  man's  con 
tention  in  this  connection :  This  is  a  white  man's  country, 
because  the  requisite  homogeneity  in  American  civiliza 
tion  cannot  be  obtained  except  through  intermarriage; 
all  other  attempts  at  assimilation  are  unnatural  and  un- 
historical ;  the  white  man  does  not  believe  that  the  blood 
of  the  white  and  that  of  the  negro  ought  to  be  mingled, 
for  the  product  is  advantageous  neither  to  the  white 
man  nor  to  the  welfare  of  the  world.  Hence  all  attempts 
to  overcome  the  negro's  inferiority,  being  intrinsically 
abnormal  and  unnatural,  do  not  avail.  Therefore  the 
negro  is  unassimilable — and  this  land  must  remain  a 
white  man's  country. 

6.  "No  social  equality."  Since  "social  equality"  can 
naturally  and  effectively  mean  nothing  but  amalgamation 
or  "miscegenation"  there  must  be  no  social  intermingling 
of  the  races.  Granting  social  privileges  to  negro  indi 
viduals  is  an  admission  that  sociality  has  nothing  to 
do  with  race,  but  is  a  purely  personal  and  private  con 
cern.  But  if  the  mayor  of  one  of  our  cities  should 
"keep  the  pig  in  the  parlor,"  or  have  his  servants  sit  at 
table  with  his  guests,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  latter, 
the  community  would  have  the  right  to  object.  The 
"private"  and  the  "personal"  cannot  separate  themselves 
from  representativeness.  When  a  representative  of  a 
government  serves  grape  juice  at  his  table  he  may  be 
making  history.  No  man  can  isolate  his  social  conduct 
from  the  rest  of  his  behavior.  Public  opinion  has  some 
rights  even  in  the  private  sanctities  of  the  home.  The 


Race  SDctljoDorp  in  tfte  Soutij        99 

people  that  put  down  patriarchal  polygamy  with  an  iron 
hand  and  sanction  the  attempt  to  prevent  a  citizen's  pur 
suing  his  "happiness"  through  the  use  of  alcoholic  bever 
ages  will  surely  recognize  the  representativeness  of  race 
and  the  insidious  danger  of  unrepresentative  social 
example. 

Since  the  world  began  so-called  personal  rights  have 
had  to  yield  to  public  expediency.  Much  as  fair-minded 
men  may  regret  the  lumping  together  of  all  individuals 
of  a  race  under  a  sort  of  social  taboo,  the  vicarious  sac 
rifice  of  such  individuals  is  one  of  the  sad  but  necessary 
incidents  of  the  sacred  solidarity  of  race.  And  if  inter 
racial  social  equality  is  to  be  guarded  against,  all  ap 
proaches  thereto  must  be  prevented.  The  gentle  trickling 
of  water  through  a  levee  bank  must  be  quickly  and 
adequately  stopped,  lest  the  levee  give  way  in  time.  The 
West  Indian  hurricane  rt^ay  begin  its  operations  with 
little  soft  puffs  of  balmy  breeze.  For  direction  and  the 
ulterior  cause  are  the  real  forces,  and  not  the  trivial 
initial  phenomena  in  themselves.  In  denying  to  "Mister 
Sammy  Green,"  the  estimable  Afro- American  gentle 
man,  certain  inoffensive  social  courtesies  that  are  ac 
corded  to  rough-and-tumble  "Dago  Macaroni,"  or  "Dago 
Mac"  for  short,  the  white  man  is  true  to  the  principle 
of  the  representativeness  of  race.  The  assertion  of  the 
right  of  social  equality  by  negroes  is  obnoxious  to  whites, 
because  it  indicates  a  disposition  to  unsettle  the  status 
of  white  supremacy.  Conservative  whites  know  that 
race  friction  cannot  be  avoided  if  individual  negroes 
evince  a  disposition  to  have  themselves  treated  as  indi 
viduals  apart  from  their  race  status  in  the  white  com 
munity. 

When  high-grade  whites  demand  that  certain  negroes 
be  treated  as  exceptional  persons  apart  from  race  status 


ioo       mace  2Drt|)oDo*p  in  tfte 

they  endanger  the  peace  of  the  community,  and  there 
fore  render  themselves  persona  non  grata  to  white 
people.  Noble  philanthropic  views  and  a  magnanimous 
sense  of  fair  play  should  so  discipline  themselves  as  not 
to  interfere  with  the  best  interests  of  both  races.  A 
situation  that  requires  social  rigidity  toward  any  worthy 
person  is  by  no  means  satisfactory;  but  so  long  as  two 
diverse  races  live  together  one  must  remain  subordinate 
if  race  friction  is  to  be  avoided;  and  individuals  of  the 
dominant  race  do  a  distinct  disservice  not  only  to  their 
own  race  but  also  to  the  subordinate  race  when  they 
espouse  the  cause  of  an  abstract  individualism  that  no 
longer  has  the  sanction  of  the  best  thinkers. 

Antagonism  to  racial  coequality  demands  that  the 
low-grade  white  who  endangers  racial  purity,  and  who 
encourages  thereby  social  assertiveness  of  any  kind  on 
the  part  of  the  subordinate  race,  needs  to  be  disciplined 
by  public  opinion  as  well  as  by  the  vigorous  and  rigor 
ous  application  of  legal  penalties.  When  whites  begin 
to  coerce  unworthy  individuals  of  their  own  race  in 
the  interests  of  racial  morality,  no  longer  will  the  world 
be  able  to  point  scornfully  at  a  dominant  race  which 
allows  its  individuals  to  give  by  their  conduct  the  lie 
to  the  anti-equality  protestations  of  the  dominant  racial 
stock.  Every  young  white  man  should  be  taught  by  his 
elders  that  the  use  of  human  beings  as  mere  biological 
conveniences  is  bad  enough,  but  that  such  conduct  is 
peculiarly  despicable  when  it  leads  to  the  virtual  prac 
tice  of  inter-racial  social  equality  of  the  gravest  sort. 

7.  "No  political  equality."  The  right  to  vote  is  a 
conventional  privilege  of  public  order  and  not  a  natural 
right.  If  the  public  welfare  is  best  served  by  denying 
the  exercise  of  the  franchise  to  any  portion  of  the  popu 
lation,  the  state  is  justified  in  such  denial.  If,  however, 


fl)tti)oljosp  in  t&e  Soutft      101 

the  people  of  a  state  agree,  even  under  sufferance,  to  a 
constitutional  provision  that  prohibits  the  drawing  of 
racial  lines  in  the  matter  of  the  franchise,  only  temporary 
expediency  justifies  them  in  evading  the  constitutional 
provision  through  the  indirection  of  state  laws  that  are 
intended  to  operate  against  one  race  rather  than  against 
the  other.  Either  the  unsatisfactory  Fifteenth  Amend 
ment  should  be  repealed, — in  which  case  the  subordinate 
race  would  have  to  be  allowed  protection  in  another 
form, — or  else  some  kind  of  racial  representation  might 
be  provided, — perhaps  municipal,  legislative,  and  con 
gressional  delegates  without  votes. 

No  system  of  negro  suffrage  that  would  enable  the 
negro  to  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  a  political  division 
between  parties  or  factions  of  the  white  race  should  have 
the  sanction  of  the  state.  The  time  has  come  for  the 
whites  of  the  South  to  cease  pretending  either  that  they 
are  afraid  of  "negro  domination"  or  that  they  are  per 
fectly  willing  for  "qualified"  negroes  to  vote  in  appre 
ciable  numbers.  The  political  elimination  of  the  negro 
can  be  secured  without  depriving  him  of  the  democratic 
right  of  representation  of  some  sort;  and,  sooner  or 
later,  the  government  of  this  nation  will  have  to  admit 
the  natural  fact  of  racial  differences  and  the  civil  and 
political  implications  thereof.  But  to  leave  a  subor 
dinate  people  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  any  set  of  men, — 
no  matter  how  well-intentioned  and  fair-minded  they 
may  be, — is  to  fly  in  the  face  of  experience,  especially 
where  race  feeling  is  the  essential  factor  in  a  political 
situation.  On  the  other  hand,  the  frank  admission  of 
racial  inequality  under  the  conditions  of  local  contact 
and  the  cultivation  on  the  part  of  the  ruling  people  of 
the  spirit  of  noblesse  oblige,  as  well  as  the  practice  of 
impartial  justice  to  the  "minor"  or  subordinate  people, 


102       &ace  DrtfcoDosg  in  t&e 

will  at  least  have  the  merit  of  arranging  a  peaceful 
status  pending  the  full  and  thorough  investigation  of 
the  race  problem. 

It  appears  probable  that  mankind  values  all  rights 
and  privileges  in  terms  of  at  least  potential  social  equal 
ity.  All  conventional  rights  are  closely  associated  with 
potential  social  status.  The  social  implications  of  politi 
cal  life  are  many  and  varied.  The  suffrage  is  the  demo 
cratic  badge  of  complete  citizenship.  Inasmuch  as  social 
equality  between  the  races  is  denied,  and  the  negro  is  for 
bidden  to  expect  or  seek  for  that  complete  citizenship 
which  is  at  bottom  secured  only  by  means  of  facile  inter 
marriage,  the  denial  of  political  equality, — along  with  the 
granting,  however,  of  appropriate  racial  political  activ 
ity, — would  seem  to  be  safeguards  of  white  supremacy 
and  of  the  peaceful  dwelling  together  of  the  races.  That 
such  a  situation  is  desirable  cannot  be  claimed  by  a 
people  that  calls  itself  democratic  and  Christian.  How 
ever,  criticism  should  be  directed  not  toward  those  South 
ern  whites  who  are  free  from  race  enmity  and  who 
listen  to  the  voice  of  race  conscience,  but  rather  toward 
those  who  maintain  that  the  present  condition  is  satis 
factory, — who  look  forward  with  equanimity  to  a  per 
manent  subordination  of  the  negro  people. 

Though  the  prevailing  race  opinion  of  the  whites  in 
the  South  may  not  articulately  declare  itself  in  favor  of 
the  principles  of  democracy  and  Christianity  in  their 
application  to  the  negro  people,  I  would  call  "race 
orthodoxy"  the  opinion  of  those  who  are  true  to 
American  principles,  yet  hold  to  white  supremacy  and 
all  that  it  legitimately  implies.  Were  the  masses  of  the 
people  able  to  appreciate  fully  the  necessary  ethical  limi 
tations  of  race  attitude,  they  would  undoubtedly  express 
themselves  in  terms  similar  to  our  present  statement  of 


Race  £DrtJ)oDO£g  in  tfte  Soutft      103 

race  orthodoxy  in  the  South  rather  than  in  the  crude, 
uncompromising,  and  seemingly  unethical  dogmas  enun 
ciated  in  our  first  statement  of  racial  common  opinion 
in  the  South. 

Lack  of  faith  in  the  common  people's  basal  right  feel 
ing  undermines  the  influence  of  many  would-be  leaders 
of  ethical  opinion  in  the  Southern  states.  On  the  other 
side,  subservience  to  mob  spirit  renders  the  utterance 
of  some  of  the  people's  influential  leaders  void  of  ethical 
value  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  peoples  of  the  earth. 

Those  of  us  that  see  clearly  the  validity  of  race  feel 
ing,  yet  hold  firmly  to  our  heritage  of  democratic  prin 
ciples,  should  be  sensible  enough  to  oppose  sentimental 
abstract  philanthropy  in  the  interest  of  the  people's  more 
deep-seated  and  ultimately  reasonable  instincts.  At  the 
same  time  we  should  brace  ourselves  firmly  against  all 
racial  arrogance,  brutality,  and  the  cowardly  use  of 
the  mob  spirit  to  shut  off  free  discussion  and  maim  the 
influence  of  high-souled  men  that  love  not  their  people 
less  because  they  love  righteousness  more.  Neverthe 
less,  after  all  has  been  said,  we  must  hold  to  the  dogma : 
No  political  equality  for  the  negroes,  but  as  much  politi 
cal  privilege  as  will  encourage  and  develop  the  civic  con 
sciousness  of  the  negroes,  help  them  develop  a  healthy 
race  feeling,  and  leave  them  ground  for  hope  that  the 
white  man  will  ultimately  find  for  the  "brother  in  black" 
a  status  freer  than  that  which  the  subordinate  race  now 
occupies,  without  in  any  way  giving  up  any  of  the  racial 
principles  that  we  have  been  setting  forth  in  this  state 
ment  of  racial  orthodoxy. 

8.  "In  matters  of  civil  rights  and  legal  adjustments 
give  the  white  man  the  benefit  of  the  doubt;  and  under 
no  circumstances  interfere  with  the  prestige  of  the  white 
race."  When  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 


104       Race  fiDttfiofloxg  in  tfie  S>out& 

declared  the  first  and  second  sections  of  the  second  Civil 
Rights  Act  unconstitutional  the  highest  law  tribunal  of 
the  land  showed  that  it  was  not  racially  color-blind,  inas 
much  as  it  practically  recognized  a  condition  rather 
than  a  theory,  no  matter  what  its  reasons  for  such  a 
decision.  So  far  as  tests  have  been  made,  the  courts 
have  admitted  the  contention  that  the  publication  of  a 
newspaper  statement  that  a  white  man  is  "colored"  con 
stitutes  a  libel.  The  states  have  been  allowed,  in  the 
exercise  of  their  police  power,  to  promulgate  anti-amal 
gamation  laws,  thus  negativing  the  merely  abstract  claim 
of  any  two  given  individuals  of  different  races  osten 
sibly  to  pursue  their  individual  happiness  through  the 
establishment  of  the  marriage  relation. 

Whatever,  then,  the  reasoning  of  the  courts  may  be, 
the  latent  consciousness, — the  subconsciousness, — of  the 
law  recognizes  the  inferior  status  of  the  negro  race.  If 
it  is  a  good  policy  on  the  part  of  the  state  to  recognize, 
directly  or  indirectly,  the  negro's  discounted  status,  it  is 
also  good  policy  to  buttress  this  conclusion  by  strength 
ening  the  prestige  of  the  dominant  race  in  cases  where 
probability  and  evidence  are  equally  balanced.  Where 
doubt  must  be  resolved  in  favor  of  a  child  on  the  one 
hand  or  an  adult  on  the  other,  law  and  public  opinion 
incline  in  favor  of  the  child ;  for  the  law  tends  to  protect 
the  weak.  Where  decision  must  be  made  in  favor  of 
either  a  man  or  a  woman  the  balance  is  inclined  in 
favor  of  the  woman,  for  she  is  in  greater  need  of  pro 
tection;  and  chivalry  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
true  American.  But  anything  resembling  a  racial  tri 
umph  for  the  negro  individual  is  full  of  peril  to  the 
peace  of  society. 

Should  not  the  negro,  however,  be  protected  just  be 
cause  of  his  weakness?  Assuredly,  but  in  a  way  that 


2Drti)oDo*g  in  tfie  Soutfi      105 

will  not  endanger  white  supremacy  or  the  negro's  ex 
plicit  recognition  of  it.  When  an  influential  white 
patron  attempts  to  see  that  justice  is  done  a  negro,  that 
negro  usually  gets  fair  play.  The  white  man's  sponsor 
ship  takes  the  question  out  of  the  category  of  race  rela 
tions.  It  may  become  necessary  to  establish  special 
tribunals  or  special  procedure  that  will  take  up  cases 
involving  unfair  discrimination  against  the  negro  indi 
vidual, — the  attempt  of  might  to  establish  itself  as  right. 
Nevertheless,  when  the  evidence  is  approximately  equal 
in  a  given  case  it  appears  inevitable  that  a  white  man's 
word  should  be  accepted  rather  than  a  negro's,  a  white 
man's  life  protected  rather  than  a  negro's,  a  white  man's 
rights  in  general  respected  rather  than  a  negro's.  We 
must  remember  that  Lincoln,  the  Liberator,  said  that  in 
case  of  conflict  he  was  "for  the  white  man."  This  prin 
ciple  in  no  respect  militates  against  the  vigorous  prosecu 
tion  of  those  who  exploit  the  negro's  weakness  and 
ignorance.  The  white  man's  representative  pride  in  his 
race,  however,  is  a  racial  and  a  national  asset,  and  is 
the  prime  condition  of  the  peaceful  retention  of  the 
status  of  white  supremacy. 

If  the  unfortunate  bi-racial  situation  involves  some 
thing  of  the  flavor  of  caste  privilege,  so  much  the  worse 
for  the  situation;  but,  such  as  it  is,  we  must  make  the 
best  of  it,  or  change  it  in  some  way  that  will  benefit  the 
common  weal.  Important  as  justice  is,  order  without 
justice  is  frequently  safer  for  the  state  and  more  intrin 
sically  equitable  than  justice  without  order.  Protect  the 
negro,  but  let  the  guardianship  be  that  of  the  superior 
race  protecting  the  inferior,  and  not  that  of  "the  law" 
deciding  the  doubt  in  favor  of  the  unfavored  race.  If 
the  machinery  of  the  law  can  be  got  to  educate  the  white 
man  to  despise  the  cruel  exploiter  of  a  defenseless  negro, 


106       Kate  2Dtt|)oaoip  in  t&e  Soutft 

it  will  be  well.  Truly  this  is  a  consummation  devoutly 
to  be  wished.  On  the  other  hand,  let  all  the  institutions 
of  this  white  man's  country  ever  teach  the  lowest  mem 
ber  of  the  dominant  race  that  his  representative  superi 
ority  is  the  concern  of  all  the  people.  We  cheerfully 
admit  that  a  condition  wherein  "benefit  of  clergy"  must 
to  some  degree  be  granted  to  one  race  rather  than  to 
another  is  anomalous  in  view  of  the  highest  principles 
of  democratic  institutions.  Curse  the  situation  as  much 
as  you  please,  O  friends  of  humanity,  but  recognize  the 
preeminence  of  the  white  race  everywhere  and  at  all 
times, — and  teach  the  negroes  to  do  so. 

9.  'In  education  let  the  negro  have  the  crumbs  that 
fall  from  the  white  man's  table."  So  long  as  there  is 
not  enough  money  to  educate  white  children  aright,  so 
long  as  the  dominant  race  feels  unsure  of  the  proximate 
and  the  ultimate  effect  of  educating  an  inferior  race 
that  should  continue  to  regard  itself  as  inferior,  so  long 
as  the  rather  expensive  industrial  education  evidently 
needed  by  the  negroes  is  also  greatly  needed  among  the 
whites, — just  so  long  will  the  ruling  race  provide  first 
for  its  own  children  and  then  for  the  children  of  the 
alien  race  that  happens  to  be  living  in  a  white  man's 
land.  It  seems  highly  unfortunate  that  this  must  be  so. 
Education,  however,  means  freedom,  and  the  whites  are 
bound  to  give  the  greater  freedom  to  their  own  children 
who  are  destined  to  remain  the  favored  people.  When  a 
practicable  solution  of  the  race  problem  comes  in  sight, 
and  when  the  requisites  of  a  proper  education  are  pro 
vided  for  white  children,  then  the  innate  generosity  of 
the  white  people,  freed  from  fear  of  the  future  and 
realizing  the  pitful  need  of  the  black  man,  will  show 
itself  as  the  quality  of  a  brave  and  noble  people. 

The  sensitiveness  of  the  Southern  conscience  has  been 


Race  SDrtfcoDosg  in  tfte  Soutft      107 

somewhat  blunted  by  the  assumption  of  responsibility 
for  negro  education  by  the  Northern  friends  of  the 
negro.  The  whites  expect  the  negroes  to  exert  them 
selves  in  most  self-sacrificing  fashion  to  educate  them 
selves.  Believing  that  the  handicap  of  the  negro's  pres 
ence  is  sufficiently  severe,  the  Southern  people  would  be 
more  than  human  if  they  thought  as  much  of  the  negro's 
needs  as  they  do  of  their  own  children's.  The  whites 
do  not  fear  general  negro  competition  in  any  depart 
ment  of  life;  but  they  do  dread  the  friction  that  will 
result  from  the  negro's  attempts  to  show  his  "equality," 
and  they  will  never  stand  for  the  competitive  overcom 
ing  of  inferior  or  unfortunate  white  individuals  by  "su 
perior"  negroes.  As  a  rule,  the  whites  will  conquer  all 
along  the  line ;  but  there  is  enough  friction  between  capi 
tal  and  labor,  enough  striving  among  the  classes  of  so 
ciety,  enough  difficulty  in  having  the  people  get  their 
dues,  without  adding  to  our  burdens  and  complicating 
our  problems  with  a  racial  coefficient  prefixed  to  each 
item  of  our  large  economic  problems.  Hence,  for  some 
time  at  least,  the  negro  will  get  what  educational 
funds  the  white  man  feels  he  can  reasonably  spare — and 
no  more.  In  this  day  when  men  are  asking  the  question 
whether  benevolence  in  general  is  worth  as  much  as  it 
costs  in  the  long  run,  it  ill  becomes  critics  of  the  South 
to  ask  for  "equal  educational  facilities"  for  whites  and 
blacks.  Let  the  negro  prove  some  of  the  splendid  quali 
ties  attributed  to  him  by  his  friends  by  evincing  a  spirit 
of  self-sacrifice  such  as  the  world  has  never  before  seen. 
He  will  need  to  do  this  in  order  to  hold  his  own  atten 
tion  focused  on  the  situation  of  his  race, — desperate  so 
far  as  spiritual  freedom  is  concerned. 

10.     "Let  there  be  such  industrial  education  of  the 
negro  as  will  best  fit  him  to  serve  the  white  man."    To 


io8       Race  £)rt!)oDorp  in  tfte 

say  that  the  negro  was  "created"  to  work  for  the  white 
man  is  to  utter  unmitigated  nonsense.  But  the  negro 
must  remain  a  subordinate  race  so  long  as  he  lives  in 
the  same  territory  with  the  whites;  hence  he  will  con 
tinue  for  a  long  time, — unless  complete  local  segrega 
tion  shall  come  about  with  tremendous  rapidity, — to  fill 
the  ranks  of  the  simpler  manual  occupations.  He  may 
have  his  doctors  and  his  lawyers  and  the  like;  but  they 
must  not  be  educated  to  claim  professional  equality  with 
white  practitioners.  Professional  life  has  many  social 
associations  and  implications.  If  the  industrial  educa 
tion  of  the  negro  is  such  as  to  make  him  a  useful  worker 
without  bringing  about  competitive  friction  with  whites, 
his  industrial  education  will  be  a  blessing  to  both  races. 
If  the  negro  continues  to  "know  his  place,"  no  matter 
how  much  or  how  well  he  may  be  educated,  even  mod 
erate  competition  with  the  whites,  when  not  accompanied 
with  "bumptiousness/5  may  for  a  time  be  tolerated  by 
the  ruling  race. 

As  long  as  education  makes  for  freedom,  latent  if  not 
patent  opposition  to  negro  education  may  be  expected 
from  the  whites,  just  as  in  slavery  times.  This  oppo 
sition  will  disappear  as  soon  as  the  future  of  race  rela 
tions  is  so  forecast  that  the  whites  may  be  freed  from 
the  uncertainty  of  not  knowing  how  soon  the  negroes 
will  "claim  that  they  are  as  good  as  white  men."  The 
evident  fact  that  some  negro  individuals  are  better  in 
character  as  measured  by  any  known  standard  than  cer 
tain  whites  in  no  way  invalidates  the  principle  of  repre 
sentativeness  of  race.  Racial  equality  and  individual 
worth  are  different  things.  And  the  imputation  of  rep 
resentative  racehood  to  the  inferior  white  man  is  a 
process  that  cannot  be  expected  to  decrease,  but  rather 
to  grow  as  the  negroes  become  better  educated. 


JRace  iDrtftoDorp  in  rfje  ^outft      109 

It  is  a  necessity  of  his  position  that  the  negro  shall  be 
a  "suffering  servant" ;  let  us  hope  that  he  will  be  Jeho 
vah's  suffering  servant  as  well  as  the  white  man's  and 
his  own  race's. 

11.  "Only  Southerners  understand  the  negro  ques 
tion."    But  they  do  not.    They  undoubtedly  understand 
the  negro  better  than  do  any  other  people.     They  are 
not  always  able  to  state  what  they  know  of  him,  but 
they  somehow  manage  on  the  whole  to  get  along  with 
him  far  better  than  could  have  been  expected  under  the 
circumstances. 

Whatever  study  of  the  negro  question  may  be  made, 
the  Southern  white  man  must  be  close  to  the  center  of 
it,  in  order  that  his  experience,  his  intuition,  his  tem 
peramental  fitness  to  deal  with  the  negro  may  be  utilized 
in  the  interest  of  the  interpretation  of  negro  character 
and  of  race  relations.  For  the  Southern  white  man, 
however,  to  "go  it  alone"  in  the  study  of  any  human 
question  would  be  simply  preposterous.  On  the  other 
hand,  for  technical  scientific  methods  to  expect  to  ap 
preciate  the  nuances  of  racial  and  social  relations  of  a 
peculiar  kind  is  equally  absurd.  When  Southerners  are 
scientifically  prepared  and  are  free  from  more  than  a 
saving  amount  of  provincialism,  then  they  are  doubtless 
the  best  fitted  of  all  men  to  study  the  race  problem. 
But  the  South  is  not  as  yet  overstocked  with  such 
persons. 

12.  "Let  the  South  settle  the  negro  question."    Yes, 
if  the  South  can,  and  will,  settle  it  in  accordance  with 
democratic  and  Christian  principles.     No  human  ques 
tion  can  be  regarded  as  permanently  settled  when  one 
people  remains  subordinate  to  another  simply  on  account 
of   racial   differences.      Under   present   conditions    the 
South's  "solution"  will  vary  with  locality,  percentage 


no       Kace  2Drt&oDo*p  in  tfte 

of  negro  population,  and  so  on.  These  local  solutions 
are  the  very  best  under  the  circumstances,  but  a  com 
placent  satisfaction  in  them  as  permanent  arrangements 
contradicts  the  humanitarian  principles  of  civilization, 
and  will  sooner  or  later  prove  to  be  inimical  not  only 
to  the  world,  the  nation,  the  South,  and  the  states  con 
cerned,  but  also  most  directly  to  the  localities  them 
selves.  Nevertheless,  whatever  the  "solution"  shall  be,  it 
must  take  into  account  specifically  the  needs  of  particu 
lar  localities  and  the  mental  attitude  of  the  people  con 
cerned,  both  white  and  colored. 

The  South  did  not  and  could  not  settle  the  slavery 
question;  it  did  not  and  could  not  settle  the  question  of 
reconstruction.  The  actual  method  of  emancipating  the 
slaves  was  wasteful  and  injurious,  and  the  coercive 
measures  of  reconstruction  have  in  large  measure  proved 
themselves  to  be  failures;  but  so  long  as  the  prevailing 
opinion  in  the  South  is  in  favor  of  reaching  a  settlement 
based  upon  the  stigmatized  subordination  of  all  negroes 
for  all  time,  the  conscience  of  mankind  will  not  approve. 
And  surely  the  South  has  learned  that  no  matter  how 
honest  it  may  be  in  its  opinion  it  cannot  expect  to  have 
its  own  way  unless  the  enlightened  sentiment  of  man 
kind  is  favorable  thereto.  The  South  is  too  close  to 
the  race  problem  to  be  competent  to  solve  it  aright ;  the 
rest  of  the  world  is  too  far  away;  the  South,  with  the 
aid  of  the  rest  of  the  country  and  with  the  assistance  of 
the  best  thought  in  the  world,  should  take  the  leading 
part  in  the  solution  of  the  race  question,  provided  the 
Southern  people  pronounce  in  favor  of  ultimately  giving 
the  negroes  every  opportunity  of  development  of  which 
they  prove  themselves  capable.  And  nothing  but  ex 
periment  under  favorable  conditions  can  demonstrate 
what  any  given  people  can  make  of  themselves.  But 


BUce  2Drt!)oDo*g  in  tfte  Soutft      m 

as  long  as  the  two  races  live  together  under  conditions 
substantially  as  at  present,  the  negroes  will  remain  a 
subordinate  people. 

13.  "The  status  of  peasantry  is  all  the  negro  may 
hope  for  if  the  races  are  to  live  together  in  peace/' 
Under  present  conditions,  and  admitting  the  continued 
subordination  of  the  negro  race  so  long  as  the  two  races 
live  together,  it  would  appear  that  some  sort  of  caste 
civilization  is  necessary,  wherein  the  lower  race  may 
develop  its  own  individuals  to  the  highest  possible  ex 
tent,  but  must  rest  content  with  a  lower  social,  civic, 
and  political  status  as  compared  with  that  of  the  ruling 
race.  A  sort  of  parallel  bi-racial  civilization,  with  a 
broad  and  rigid  anti-racial  caste  line,  may  prove  feasible. 
All  historical  analogy  and  the  traits  of  the  Southern 
white  man,  however,  are  against  such  a  supposition. 
That  the  common  opinion  of  the  South,  even  of  many 
of  its  highest  representatives,  should  favor  a  ' 'peasantry" 
solution  is  a  clear  indication  that  the  South,  unless  pre 
vailed  upon  to  study  the  race  problem  in  the  light  of 
the  world  of  conscience,  will  make  no  attempt  to  solve 
a  problem  that  it  has  already  solved  in  its  own  mind,  and 
is  now  trying  to  solve  in  practice  by  increasing  the  grip 
of  the  dominant  race  and  fastening  the  stigma  of  in 
feriority  on  all  negroes  without  regard  to  individual 
worth.  Though  this  present  racial  discrimination  is  the 
best  present  arrangement, — especially  when  it  is  tem 
pered,  as  it  is  almost  everywhere,  by  the  generous  Chris 
tian  attitude  of  a  white  minority  and  by  the  general 
good  will  of  the  masses  of  the  people  toward  "negroes 
that  know  their  place," — the  American  people  must  radi 
cally  revise  their  basal  political  principles  and  stultify 
their  vaunted  Christian  faith  if  they  rest  content  with 
the  present  arrangement,  however  necessary  it  may  be 


H2       ftace  £Drt!)oDo*j>  in  tfte 

now  and  for  the  immediate  future.  If  the  results  of 
investigation  indicate  that  the  present  condition  is  a 
necessary  evil,  then  all  we  can  do  is  to  temper  the  wind 
to  the  shorn  lamb  as  much  as  we  may  without  endanger 
ing  complete  white  supremacy  and  ascendancy. 

14.  "Let  the  lowest  white  man  count  for  more  than 
the  highest  negro."     If  the  statement  "Let  the  lowest 
white  man  count  for  more  than  the  highest  negro"  be  a 
statement  of  race  status  under  present  conditions,   it 
may  be  allowed  to  stand  because  of  the  principle  of  the 
representativeness  of  race  as  we  have  enunciated  it;  but 
if  it  means  a  final  judgment  of  character  value,  and  pre 
tends  to  rank  worth  of  soul  and  body  simply  in  accord 
ance  with  the  accidents  of  race,  it  is  pernicious  moral 
heresy.    If  Jesus  meant  anything  when  he  said  that  the 
harlots   and   sinners  might   go  into   the  Kingdom  of 
Heaven  before  the  righteous,  no  human  authority  has 
the  right  to  rank  human  souls  at  all,  and  least  of  all 
by  superficial  standards.     To  establish  a  caste  of  the 
kind  in  the  interests  of  peace,  race  purity,  and  the  public 
weal  is  one  thing;  to  act  as  an  arbitrary  human  provi 
dence  in  deciding  on  the  personal  worth  of  individuals 
according  to  racial  characteristics  is  another,  and  a  most 
inane  proposition.     But  those  who  make  the  absolute 
statement  regarding  the  worth  of  individuals  do  not 
mean  what  they  seem  to  say.     They  all  would  prac 
tically  admit  the  splendid  worth  of  certain  negro  indi 
viduals  if  these  individuals  were  living  somewhere  else 
than  in  America.    The  statement,  then,  is  true  of  racial 
representativeness  under  the  conditions  of  geographical 
racial  contact,  but  is  true  in  no  other  sense. 

15.  "The  above  statements  indicate  the  leadings  of 
Providence."     The  advocates  of  slavery  said  that  the 
peculiar  institution  was  the  result  of  the  "leadings  of 


Race  SDrtftoDoig  in  tfte  Soutft      113 

Providence."  Even  so, — and  so  was  the  emancipation 
of  the  negro.  In  a  sense  it  is  always  true  that  "what 
ever  is  is  right."  But  we  do  not  see  the  end  wherein 
the  full  Tightness  doth  appear.  Even  if  we  did,  the  end 
would  not  justify  the  means,  except  on  the  principle  of 
self-preservation  in  the  choice  of  the  least  of  several 
evils.  Let  those  who  claim  to  read  the  Divine  Mind  at 
least  have  the  goodness  to  show  their  credentials  and 
admit  science  and  the  highest  human  morality  to  the 
counsels  of  the  guild  of  latter-day  prophets  and  inter 
preters  of  the  Most  High. 


Ill 

In  our  statement  of  what  we  have  tried  to  put  forth 
as  an  honest  view  of  race  orthodoxy  in  the  South,  as 
opposed  to,  but  involving  the  truth  of,  a  mere  race  com 
mon  opinion,  we  may  have  unwittingly  indulged  in 
special  pleading  and  other  forms  of  unconscious  disin- 
genuousness;  if  so,  our  challenging  statements  may  at 
least  have  the  office  of  inviting  a  criticism  as  honest  in 
intention  as  our  statement  has  been.  The  trouble  with 
most  of  us  in  this  discussion  of  the  race  question  is  not 
our  lack  of  fairness,  frankness,  candor,  and  ingenuous 
ness,  but  our  lack  of  "the  incessant  prevalence  of  de 
tective  discussion"  of  the  scientific  order.  There  has 
been  little  straight  thinking  on  the  subject.  The  emo 
tionalists  are  of  course  cloudy;  and  the  men  of  science 
are  in  many  cases  too  disdainful  of  emotion  to  interpret 
its  values.  Psychological  amateurism  has  been  almost 
as  common  among  men  of  science  as  among  the  gen 
eral  run  of  disputants;  for  the  man  who  fails  to  see 
the  overshadowing  importance  of  race  feeling,  and  who 


H4       Kace  2Drt&oDo*p  in  tfte 

would  settle  the  human  problems  without  regard  to  the 
psychological  and  ethical  interpretation  of  human  preju 
dices,  has  missed  the  very  essence  of  the  problem;  and 
his  "scientific  views"  deserve  as  little  consideration,  so 
far  as  "solutions"  go,  as  do  the  antagonistic  or  the  be 
nevolent  vaporings  of  the  emotionalist,  or  the  deadly 
dull  "common  sense"  of  the  merely  "practical"  man. 


IV 

Have  we  failed  to  learn  the  lesson  of  the  slavery  con 
troversy  and  the  Civil  War  and  the  evils  of  reconstruc 
tion?  Shall  we  hide  our  heads  in  the  sands  of  "com 
promise"?  Shall  we  drift,  drift,  drift, — "waiting  on 
Providence,  Who  helps  those  who  help  themselves? 

Whatever  the  answer  to  these  questions,  unless  some 
one  or  ones  can  convince  the  South  that  her  racial  creed 
is  unworthy  and  unpractical,  she  can  be  counted  on  to 
hold  fast  to  it, — at  least  in  its  more  conservative  form, 
— with  the  consent,  and  with  more  and  more  of  the 
active  aid,  of  the  masses  of  the  white  people  throughout 
this  country.  If  a  division  must  come,  the  whites  will 
assuredly  stand  together.  The  cleavage  is  now  not  be 
tween  North  and  South,  but  between  race  and  race. 
North  and  South  are  still  somewhat  apart  on  account 
of  the  inertia  of  the  past;  but  the  time  is  close  at  hand 
when  the  people  of  the  whole  country  will  either  show 
the  South  a  better  racial  creed  (and  I  doubt  their  ability 
or  their  willingness  to  do  so)  or  will  adopt  for  them 
selves  the  creed  of  the  South.  Even  now  the  solid  Far 
West  is  joining  hands  with  the  South  in  racial  matters; 
and  the  end  is  not  yet  in  the  growing  solidarity  of  the 
white  people  of  this  country. 


Race  a>rtftoDoig  in  tfte  Soutft      115 

Shall  the  negro,  therefore,  be  deserted  or  simply  ex 
ploited  by  the  whites  ?  Not  so !  Very  soon,  let  us  hope, 
the  common  sense  and  the  conscience  of  the  country 
will  be  roused  sufficiently  to  have  this  problem  at  least 
worked  on  systematically,  seriously,  in  the  fear  of  God, 
and  in  the  love  of  man. 


B.    Reviews  of  Typical  Views. 

I.     PHILOSOPHICAL 

*  Edgar  Gardner  Murphy :    The  Basis  of  Ascendancy 
New  York,  1909 

Mr.  Murphy  is  one  of  the  choicest  specimens  of  noble 
character  that  the  South  has  produced.  With  love  for 
his  native  section  and  appreciation  of  its  excellencies, 
its  difficult  problems,  and  its  brave  attempts  to  meet 
them,  he  unites  in  his  character  sweet-spirited  Chris 
tianity,  broad  humanitarianism  and  loyal  national  patri 
otism.  He  is  in  many  ways  a  model  for  our  young  men 
and  an  inspiration  to  us  all.  He  has  scholarship,  com 
mon  sense,  industry,  keen  powers  of  observation,  a 
sense  of  humor,  distinction  of  literary  style,  philosophic 
grasp,  and  many  another  attribute  deserving  of  uni 
versal  praise  and  admiration.  His  former  book,  "The 
Present  South,"  received  praise  not  a  little  from  quali 
fied  men  North  and  South.  His  work  with  the  educa 
tion  boards  and  conferences  merits  the  gratitude  of  our 
whole  people.  His  pathetic  struggle  to  help  work  out 
our  Southern  problems,  in  spite  of  his  continued  bad 
health,  deserves  and  receives  our  warm  sympathy. 
Hence  it  would  seem  that  a  critical  but  friendly  com 
mentary  on  certain  phases  of  his  recent  book  ought  to 
have  some  value,  if  such  work  is  done  in  the  right  spirit. 
The  present  writer  hopes  that  he  has  that  spirit,  inas 
much  as  his  temperament  makes  him  warmly  sympa- 

*  Review  originally  written  for  a  distinguished  Northern  inves 
tigator. 

116 


"Cfte  15a0i0  of  ascenDatug"        n? 

thetic  with  Mr.  Murphy,  his  experience  has  been  na 
tional  as  well  as  Southern,  and  his  political  and  ethical 
and  religious  principles  are  in  substantial  accord  with 
our  author. 

The  book  exhibits  a  more  or  less  conscious  struggle 
between  Northern  and  Southern  points  of  view  at  their 
best.  Mr.  Murphy  realizes  the  validity  of  Southern 
race  feeling  in  its  broader  and  deeper  aspects  and  North 
ern  humanitarianism  in  its  more  rational  forms.  He 
feels  that  the  average  Southerner  is  as  much  a  humani 
tarian  at  heart  as  his  Northern  brother,  and  that  the 
typical  Northerner  has  at  bottom  as  much  race  conscious 
ness  as  the  Southerner.  On  the  Southern  side  he  sees 
the  danger  of  even  our  best  men's  acquiescing  in  the 
idea  of  benevolent  exploitation  of  the  negro  people; 
and  he  realizes  the  danger  that  is  lurking  in  certain  forms 
of  Northern  long-distance  ultra-altruism.  He  tries  to 
hold  the  balance  evenly  in  this  book.  But,  whether 
consciously  or  unconsciously,  the  first  part  of  his  book 
seems  to  be,  in  the  main,  pro- Southern  and  defensive  of 
the  South,  while  the  latter  part  becomes  largely  pro- 
Northern  and  critical  of  the  South.  Nor  does  he  suc 
ceed  in  making  a  synthesis  of  the  two  points  of  view. 

When  speaking  of  the  situation  as  it  is  and  of  the 
importance  of  race  consciousness  he  seems  to  be  almost 
a  Southern  partisan;  but,  when  he  comes  to  deal  with 
the  solution  of  the  race  question  and  the  method  of 
bringing  it  about,  he  apparently  loses  sight  of  the  clear 
implications  of  race  consciousness  and  race  contact.  This 
criticism  will,  I  think,  appear  justified  in  the  course  of 
the  commentary  on  the  book.  I  emphasize  this  point 
at  the  outset  because  Mr.  Murphy's  ideals  and  reasoning 
are  very  attractive  to  the  better  spirits  North  and  South 
and  everywhere  else.  In  other  words,  to  resume,  Mr. 


us       Hate  flDttftoDosg  in  tfte 

Murphy  understands  the  ethics  of  the  situation  better 
than  its  psychology,  the  spiritual  man  better  than  the 
natural  man,  the  ideal  better  than  the  actual.  But  surely 
it  is  of  utmost  importance  in  a  vitally  practical  matter 
to  "draw  the  thing"  as  it  is  "for  the  God  of  Things  as 
they  are."  What  ought  to  be  can,  in  this  matter,  only 
be  reached  through  what  is.  Doubtless  Mr.  Murphy 
would  reply,  I  am  drawing  the  thing  as  /  see  it;  if  so, 
my  contention  is  that  Mr.  Murphy  does  not  see  it  as  it 
is.  Vividly  appreciating  the  tremendous  importance  and 
value  of  race  feeling,  he  does  not  see  its  inner  signifi 
cance.  There  is  no  open  way  between  his  psychology 
and  his  ethics.  Occasionally  he  drops  a  word  that  indi 
cates  a  rather  scornful  attitude  toward  certain  crude 
forms  of  race  psychology,  and  this  attitude  careful  men 
ought  to  share ;  but  popular  ethnic  psychology,  so  called, 
is  a  very  different  thing  from  what  our  author  himself 
calls  the  "moral  psychology  of  the  situation."  Indeed, 
the  whole  race  problem  is  found  in  the  psychology  of 
the  white  man's  mind  and  not  in  the  psychology  of  racial 
possibilities.  Granted  that  the  negro  may  attain  unto 
a  high  degree  of  culture  and  strength  of  character,  such 
a  result  will  but  deepen  the  problem  if  the  white  man 
declines  to  associate  with  the  negro  in  any  way  that 
involves  social  contact — and  all  contact  in  civil  life  is 
at  bottom  social  or  closely  connected  with  sociality. 

Mr.  Murphy  seems  to  think  that  race  consciousness 
can  be  evolved  into  something  higher  and  finer.  Per 
haps;  but  we  must  know  certainly  that  such  a  refining 
is  possible,  how  it  is  to  be  brought  about,  and  whether 
there  are  signs  of  such  development  in  existence  now. 
Useless  and  dangerous  is  it  to  advocate  mere  possibili 
ties,  which,  as  Hegel  says,  are  really  "nothing,"  in  the 
face  of  actualities  working  the  other  way!  Granting 


i0  of  a0cenDancg"         119 


that  the  negro  ought  to  have  a  full  and  free  development, 
we  are  by  no  means  sure  that  such  development  can 
occur  in  the  presence  of  the  white  race.  Nor  is  it  by 
any  means  a  feasible  assumption  to  claim  that  the  white 
man  will  or  even  ought  to  be  willing  that  the  South 
should  hold  on  to  the  negro  in  spite  of  Mr.  Murphy's 
admission  that  the  negro's  presence  will  render  the  South 
economically  less  effective  than  other  parts  of  the  Union. 
As  a  rule,  economic  inferiority  carries  with  it  some  other 
infirmities.  Character  is  "one  body";  nationality  is  or 
ganic  and  biologically  based. 

But  we  are  delaying  the  detailed  treatment  that  will 
make  the  above  statements  clear.  Be  it  noted,  before 
beginning  our  commentary,  that  the  words  Southern  and 
Northern  are  meant  to  stand  for  what  is  best  in  both 
sections  and  that  this  best  is  largely  common  to  North 
and  South,  but  that  the  sections  cannot  possibly,  at 
present,  see  the  problem  from  the  same  angle,  on  ac 
count  of  differences  of  position  and  contact. 

THE  SOUTHERN  VIEW  AND  TRADITION  AS 
TO  THE  RACIAL  SITUATION 

i.  Its  Uniqueness.  "Has  the  South  a  field  of  ex 
perience  peculiarly  her  own?"  P.  217.  ...  "The  sym 
pathy  which  the  world  has  given,  and  has  rightly  given, 
to  the  negro  of  these  Southern  states  should  not  be  per 
mitted  to  obscure  the  situation  of  the  stronger  race." 
121.  ...  "No  man  can  fully  understand  such  a  situa 
tion  except  the  man  who  has  been  reared  right  in  it."  39. 
.  .  .  "If  the  South  had  sinned  against  freedom  in  the 
name  of  property,  the  North  was  now  (during  recon 
struction)  sinning  against  freedom  in  the  name  of  gov 
ernment."  177. 


120       mace  SDttfioDwg  in  t&e 

Comment.  The  "uniqueness"  is  not  simply  a  matter 
of  history,  geography,  economics  and  the  like,  but  es 
sentially  one  of  biology,  psychology  and  social  ethics 
and  esthetics.  Even  the  man  reared  "right  in  it" — 
"raised  right  in  it,"  the  average  Southerner  would  say — 
is  by  no  means  qualified  to  understand  it;  but  he  has  an 
immense  advantage  over  those  who  live  away  from  the 
Southern  situation,  when  we  ask  ourselves  what  that 
situation  means  to  human  instinct.  However,  the  South 
erner's  uncritical  "raising"  may  be  as  destructive  to  the 
truth  of  his  views  as  the  Northerner's  lack  of  vital  ex 
perience  in  regard  to  Southern  affairs. 

Neither  humanitarian  generalities  nor  Southern  "in 
stinct"  can  tell  us  the  whole  truth,  nor  can  both  of  these 
together;  but,  whatever  the  truth  may  be,  the  stronger 
race  is  the  stronger  factor  and  deserves  the  first  con 
sideration,  the  first  place  and  the  greater  sympathy. 
And  this  on  the  principle  of  the  higher  utilitarianism  as 
well  as  on  the  principle  of  the  blood  kin  and  race  sym 
pathy.  More  than  this :  the  highest  system  of  morality 
that  the  world  has  ever  seen — Christian  ethics — does  not 
forget  the  biological  basis  of  administrative  and  develop 
mental  ethics.  For  it  says,  and  its  saying  is  a  law  of 
nature,  "To  the  Jew  first,  and  also  to  the  Greek." 

Therefore,  I  should  say  that  the  psychology  of  the 
Southern  white  man's  mind  is  the  first  thing  of  all  to 
be  considered  in  order  that  the  first  factor  in  causation, 
and  the  first  factor  in  the  solution,  and  the  first  factor 
in  the  final  worths  of  civilization's  resultants  may  be 
properly  understood  and  evaluated.  Such  a  study,  of 
course,  does  not  stand  by  itself,  but  is  closely  linked  with 
the  psychology  of  the  negro's  mind,  with  the  psychology 
of  historical  causes,  with  the  psychological  results  of 
environment — a  la  mode  Buckle.  But  Mr.  Murphy's 


"C&e  T5a0f0  of  ascenDanc?"         121 

modest  insistence  that  the  white  man's  side  must  not  be 
"obscured"  is  putting  the  thing  rather  mildly.  To  the 
average  man  this  is  like  saying :  In  considering  the  care- 
taking  of  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats,  care  must  be  taken 
not  to  let  the  sheep  suffer  too  much  from  the  lack  of 
food !  I  do  not  say  that  Murphy  means  it  that  way,  but 
I  do  think  that  his  words  would  ordinarily  be  so  inter 
preted  in  the  South.  After  all,  we  are  obliged  to  apply 
to  this  situation  the  words  of  Jesus  addressed  to  the 
Syro-Phoenician  woman.  We  dare  not  throw  the  chil 
dren's  bread  to  the  dogs!  And  we  ought  not  to  let  the 
crumbs  that  fall  from  the  white  man's  tables  be  too 
scanty.  If  we  can  play  the  part  or  a  part  of  Providence 
and  prepare  a  table  in  the  wilderness  for  the  children  of 
Ham,  that  may  be  better  than  feeding  them  on  crumbs. 
We  do  not  know  what  is  best :  let's  study  and  find  out ! 
We  are  now  in  danger  of  sinning  against  freedom  in 
the  name  of  both  property  and  government.  In  order 
not  to  "interfere  with  property  values"  by  disturbing  the 
labor  market — even  twenty-five  years  hence  and  as  a 
bare  possibility — by  talking  about  negro  colonization,  we 
run  the  risk  of  insisting  that  white  planters  at  the  South 
and  white  investors  at  the  North  must  wax  fat  at  the 
expense  of  Southern  manhood  and  democracy  and  Chris 
tianity.  And  in  the  name  of  "government"  we  are  in 
danger  of  asking  that  a  system  of  race  caste  must  be 
substituted  for  democracy,  because  "the  safety  of  our 
institutions"  demands  it!  I  am  here  emphasizing  Mr. 
Murphy's  rebuke  of  the  reconstruction  policy;  and  at 
the  same  time  pointing  out  a  greater  spiritual  danger 
which  Mr.  Murphy  does  not  deal  with.  On  the  other 
hand,  I  cannot  agree  with  the  song  in  another  key  in 
which  Mr.  Murphy  seems  to  join:  "When  the  negro 
race  becomes  strong  enough  it  shall  vote,  for  every 


122       Race  iDrtftoDorp  in  tfte  Sou t ft 

qualified  citizen  should  vote!"  This  last  is  a  chant  of 
the  idealists  who  forget  that  the  spiritual  man  cannot 
come,  and,  if  thrust  forward,  cannot  thrive,  except  on 
the  firm  basis  of  the  normal  "natural  man,"  all  of 
whose  equalities  are  offshoots  of  immanent  social  equal 
ity  and  the  intermarriage  that  is  its  vital  basis.  The 
caste  of  the  kin  is  the  last  stand  of  "liberty  enlightening 
the  world."  [Even  if  we  admit  Mr.  Murphy's  contention 
that  "every  qualified  citizen  should  vote,"  it  does  not  fol 
low  that  the  possession  of  education  or  money  will  "qual 
ify"  a  non-assimilable  people.] 

II.  Race  Consciousness.  "The  deepest  thing  about 
any  man — next  to  his  humanity  itself — is  his  race."  79. 
Mr.  Murphy  tells  us  that  Professor  Giddings  is  right 
in  his  assertion  that  "it  is  about  the  consciousness  of 
kind,  as  a  principle,  that  all  other  motives  organize  them 
selves  in  the  evolution  of  social  choice,  social  volition, 
or  social  policy."  xix.  And  he  also  expresses  the  hope 
that  the  South  will  never  "minimize  the  significance  of 
race."  xvi. 

Comment.  No  Southerner  could  hope  to  have  his 
views  on  race  consciousness  expressed  more  forcibly  than 
Mr.  Murphy  here  puts  them.  But  what  do  his  state 
ments  necessarily  imply?  I  should  say  that  he  means, 
that  he  must  mean,  if  he  means  anything  real  and  defi 
nite,  that  our  humanity  manifests  itself  in  time  and 
space  and  motion  in  and  through  and  with  the  "con 
sciousness  of  kind,"  which  is  itself  at  bottom  based  on 
biological  kinship.  We  cannot  afford  to  "minimize" 
kinship  as  the  prime  material  of  all  social  structure,  as 
the  prime  motive  of  all  social  function.  The  natural 
man  is  a  racial  man,  who  must  reach  spiritual  develop 
ment  in  and  through  and  with  the  perennial  sense  of 
kinship  and  the  dependence  of  all  social  phenomena — 


"Cfte  TBaafe  of  ascettDancg"        123 

civic,  political,  economic,  religious,  esthetic,  moral — upon 
the  sense  of  social  solidarity  biologically  derived.  In 
other  words,  we  had  better  not  forget  the  etymological 
signification  of  the  word  nation.  Let  us  follow  out  a 
common  dictionary  definition.  "A  nation  is  an  aggre 
gate  of  persons  belonging  to  the  same  ethnological  fam 
ily,  and  speaking  the  same  language."  Let  us  suppose 
this  meaning  to  be  secondary  and  try  another:  "A 
people  inhabiting  a  certain  district  and  united  together 
by  common  political  institutions."  Here,  obviously,  we 
need  to  find  out  what  the  word  people  means,  though  at 
a  glance  we  note  the  significance  of  the  words,  "united 
together"  (not  discordant  and  jarring  by  nature).  Well, 
a  people  is  "the  body  (not  bodies)  of  persons  composing 
(not  discomposing!)  a  nation,  community,  tribe,  or 
race."  Eliminate  the  words  nation,  tribe  and  race,  for 
obvious  reasons.  What  is  a  "community"  ?  "The  mem 
bers  of  a  body  politic  having  equal  rights  and  privileges, 
civil  and  political,  and  united  by  common  interests." 
These  definitions,  taken  from  English  sources,  hint 
pretty  plainly  at  our  chief  difficulty  in  this  negro  prob 
lem.  We  cannot  frame  a  definition  that  does  not  imply 
in  some  way  equal  rights  and  privileges  and  common 
interests.  And,  when  conditions  exist  that  keep  these 
equal  rights  and  privileges  in  abeyance,  we  naturally  fall 
back  on  the  rest  of  the  definition  of  a  community,  "com 
mon  interests."  Interest  is  "advantage,  good,  profit, 
concern,  utility;  share,  portion,  participation  in  value." 
Common  is  "general,"  which  means  either  pertaining 
to  a  genus,  or  wide,  without  narrow  limitations.  Can 
the  secondary  meaning,  "wide"  exist  healthily  without 
the  primary  meaning,  "pertaining  to  the  same  race"? 
That  is  a  most  pertinent  question,  and  not  to  be  an 
swered  offhand.  I  think  we  may  safely  assume  that  it 


124       Race  ©ttfjoDOEp  in  tfie 

will  be  hard  to  get  any  "generality" — leaving  aside  glit 
tering  varieties — that  has  not  a  biologically  generic  tang 
to  it.  And  when  we  find  contrasting  psychological- 
social  "genera/*  or  races  widely  differing  in  physical, 
mental  and  moral  traits,  and  feeling  no  kinship  with  one 
another;  and  when  we  know,  furthermore,  that  the  one 
race  esteems  itself  the  "Chosen  People"  as  compared 
with  the  other;  and  when  the  interests  of  the  two  races 
do  not  seem  to  fit  in  with  one  another  unless  one  serves 
the  other;  and  when  we  note  that  even  in  family  life 
one  person  must  be  legally  superior  for  the  sake  of 
security  and  authority;  and  when  we  see  the  "races" 
growing  apart  instead  of  together;  and  when  the  domi 
nant  race  is  bent  on  depriving  the  weaker  race  of  all  the 
distinctive  marks  of  community  and  "generality,"  im 
puting  to  it  fitness  only  for  segregation  or  subordinated 
service — I  say,  when  we  find  these  things,  dare  we  deny 
the  native  association  between  birth  and  nationality,  and 
do  we  continue  hoping  to  get  a  "community"  out  of  a 
"natural"  (birthly)  dis-unity?  Perhaps  so,  but  surely 
not  certainly  so.  The  burden  of  proof  is  on  those  who 
hope  to  transform  the  natural  man  in  such  wise  that  he 
will  substitute  contract  for  status  in  race  matters — a 
thing  he  never  has  done  without  intermarriage  or  the 
admission  of  substantial  equality  of  races.  Are  we  to 
assume  that  whereas  we  cannot  get  oil  and  water  to 
mix  we  may  nevertheless  coax  the  oil  to  allow  just  a 
few  very  little  drops  of  water  to  float  with  the  oil  on  top 
without  actually  mixing  with  it?  These  questions, 
surely,  cannot  be  answered  dogmatically.  If  they  can, 
is  it  not  more  scientific  and  historical  and  natural  to 
answer  them  in  the  way  the  ordinary  Southerner  does? 
If  his  answer  is  wrong,  show  the  wrongness  to  him  in 
such  a  plain  way  that  his  common  sense  and  his  con- 


"Ctie  iSaste  of  90cettDattcp"        125 

science  must  approve  if  he  is  an  honest  man.  Now,  I 
think  that  the  average  white  Southerner  is  honest.  And 
I  believe  that  these  honest  men  generally  control  all  that 
can  be  controlled  at  the  South.  Nor  do  I  believe  that 
this  last  statement  will  be  contradicted  by  any  person 
whose  opinion  is  worth  having — at  least  on  this  subject. 
I  can  hardly  believe  that  Mr.  Murphy  realizes  the 
implications  of  his  strong  statement  about  the  ultimate- 
ness  and  finality  of  race  differences.  At  any  rate,  if  he 
does  appreciate  fully  these  things,  may  it  not  be  that  he 
overlooks  to  some  extent  the  inevitable  sociality  that 
is  involved  in  equal  civil  and  political  rights?  The  man 
who  will  not  sit  with  a  negro  in  a  hotel  will  not  long  be 
willing  to  sit  with  him  in  a  street  car ;  the  man  who  will 
not  sit  with  him  in  a  street  car  will  not  long  sit  with 
him  on  the  jury  bench.  If  the  negro's  presence  is  un 
pleasant  behind  the  counter  of  a  department  store,  it 
will  soon  become  offensive  in  a  post  office.  How  can 
students  of  social  nature  overlook  the  simplest  facts  of 
psychology,  the  law  of  association  and  the  law  of  imita 
tion?  Besides,  can  one  draw  a  line  in  water  and  expect 
it  to  remain  fixed  ?  Can  one  actually  tell  us  where  social 
communion  ends  and  civic  relations  begin?  Can  human 
contact  healthily  exist  on  the  compartment  principle? 
Does  not  a  democracy  believe  that  any  child  may  live 
to  be  president  or  to  marry  the  president's  daughter? 
And  can  you  strike  out  the  natural,  the  vital,  the  poig 
nantly  interesting,  the  eternally  human  aspects  of  de 
mocracy  and  leave  anything  else  but  a  stupid  lot  of 
paper  "rights  and  privileges"?  Let  believers  in  the 
equalities  minus  their  soul  of  social  equality  listen  to 
James  Bryce,  quoted  by  Mr.  Murphy  himself  on  p.  334 
of  his  "Present  South":  "The  social  relations  of  two 
races  which  cannot  be  fused  raise  problems  even  more 


126       Kace  2Drt6oDo*p  in  t&e 

difficult  (than  the  suffrage,  etc.)  because  incapable  of 
being  regulated  by  law.  Law  may  attempt  to  secure 
equal  admission  to  public  conveyances  or  public  enter 
tainments.  But  the  look  of  scorn,  the  casual  blow,  the 
brutal  oath  thrown  at  one  who  dares  not  resent  it — these 
are  injuries  that  cannot  be  prevented  where  the  senti 
ment  of  the  dominant  race  allows  them.  Impunity  cor 
rupts  the  ordinary  man;  and  even  the  better  sort  suffer 
from  the  consciousness  of  their  own  superiority,  not 
merely  in  rank,  but  also  in  strength  and  volition.  One 
must  have  lived  among  a  weaker  race  in  order  to  real 
ize  the  kind  of  irritation  which  its  defects  produce  in 
those  who  deal  with  it,  and  how  temper  and  self-control 
are  strained  in  resisting  temptations  to  harsh  or  arbi 
trary  action.  It  needs  something  more  than  the  virtue 
of  a  philosopher — it  needs  the  tenderness  of  a  saint — • 
to  preserve  the  same  courtesy  and  respect  toward  the 
members  of  a  backward  race  as  are  naturally  extended  to 
equals/' 

III.  Negro  Inferiority.  "Those  with  the  capacity  to 
govern  will  govern."  S.  The  negro's  rights  were  "won 
for  him,  not  by  him."  9.  Disfranchisement  "bore  in  its 
origin  only  the  slightest  animus  against  the  negro  or 
his  fortunes."  26.  "Aggressive  antipathies"  have  partly 
a  "defensive  basis"  due  to  habits  induced  by  Reconstruc 
tion  and  to  fear  of  "a  general  encroachment  upon  the 
white  man's  'blood.' "  123. 

Comment.  If  those  with  the  ability  and  capacity  to 
govern  will  govern,  and  if  the  white  folk  are  therefore 
the  ones  to  govern,  will  they  not  govern  primarily  in 
the  interests  of  their  own  people,  the  whites?  Believ 
ing  that  the  negroes  are  inferior  people;  that  the  indi 
vidual  negro  cannot  escape  the  fate  of  his  race  because 
of  unusual  qualities;  that  every  negro  represents  his 


"C&e  15a0i0  of  a0cenDancp"        127 

race  as  such  whether  he  wants  to  or  not,  because  racial 
lines  as  such  are  drawn  and  cannot  be  escaped ;  believing 
with  Mr.  Murphy  that  rights  won  for  a  race  instead  of 
by  that  race  are  really  "rights"  imposed  by  external  and 
perhaps  hostile  authority — is  it  surprising  that  the  whites 
should  idealize  every  white  man  and  discount  every 
negro?  Is  it  surprising  that  the  "democratizing  of  the 
South"  so  well  described  on  pp.  16  ff.  of  Mr.  Murphy's 
"Present  South"  should  result  in  a  strong  belief  that 
the  negro  is  not  really  a  vital  element  of  citizenship,  and 
therefore  ought  not  to  have  the  suffrage  because  he 
cannot  win  a  status  that  will  show  "sufficient  evidence 
of  permanent  common  interest  with,  and  attachment  to, 
the  community"?  (Virginia  Declaration  of  Rights, 
1776.)  If  "law  is  an  expression  of  the  will  of  the  com 
munity  .  .  .  and  civil  distinctions  can  be  founded  .  .  . 
only  on  public  utility"  (French  National  Assembly, 
1789),  is  it  not  inevitable  that  the  whites  should  regard 
the  negroes  as  bogus  citizens  and  come  to  believe  that  the 
real  community  would  be  injured,  that  "public  utility" 
would  be  outraged,  if  aliens,  doomed  to  remain  alien 
biologically,  were  allowed  to  treat  themselves  as  citizens 
in  a  land  where  every  contact  of  citizenship  is  closely 
associated  with  social  contact? 

"As  with  the  idea  of  equality  in  ethics  and  in  religion, 
equality  before  the  law  means  the  membership  of  a  great 
whole"  (Ritchie:  "Natural  Rights,"  p.  255).  If  the 
white  man  cannot  get  himself  to  look  at  the  negro  race 
except  as  a  race,  and  if  he  cannot  regard  negroes  as 
part  of  the  "great  whole"  of  the  community,  but  as 
aliens  residing  here  on  sufferance  and  because  no  one 
knows  what  to  do  with  them,  what  process  of  develop 
ment  will  bring  the  white  man  to  give  the  negro  the 
suffrage  voluntarily?  This  point  will  come  up  farther 


128       jRace  ffi)rtt)oDorj?  in  tfte  §>outi) 

on,  but  it  ought  to  be  noted  here,  because  of  its  con 
nection  with  the  apparent  belief  of  Southern  whites — a 
belief  too  deep  and  instinctive  for  articulate  expression 
on  the  part  of  the  average  man — that  all  the  equalities 
of  actual  life  are  based  on  actual  or  potential  social 
equality,  and  social  equality  in  turn  on  biological  kin 
ship.  Cry  "alas!  that  it  should  be  so/'  if  you  will,  but 
the  fact  remains  that  kindness  is  primarily  kin-ness,  and 
that  a  man  sometimes  cannot  "love  his  neighbor  as  him 
self,"  unless  he  can  manage  to  keep  his  neighbor  on 
the  other  side  of  the  fence.  The  Jesus  who  told  the 
parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  was  also  the  Jesus  who 
explained  to  the  Samaritan  woman  that  the  Jews  had 
no  dealings  with  the  Samaritans,  and  who  soon  Himself 
departed  from  the  country.  Daily,  hourly  do  Southern 
white  men  show  forth  the  qualities  of  the  Good  Samari 
tan.  But  the  kindness  shown  is  that  of  the  representa 
tive  of  a  superior  race  to  a  representative  of  an  inferior 
race.  And  the  representative  binds  the  race.  Forced 
and  unnatural  and  ultra-altruistic  morality  of  the  "social 
catholicity"  order  may  have  as  deadly  results  as  those 
high-flown  "affinities"  that  lead  to  adultery. 

Conservative  Southern  whites  have  been  brought  up 
on  the  Bible  with  its  history  of  the  Chosen  People's  sad 
fate  when  they,  supposedly,  disobeyed  God  and  let  the 
wives  and  children  of  the  Canaanites  stay  alive.  They 
instinctively  believe  in  the  God  of  Battles  and  Venge 
ance,  and  in  the  God  of  Social  Selection  and  Survival  of 
the  Kin.  They  feel  the  subtile  meaning  of  the  social 
solidarity  of  all  real  citizenship.  To  them  the  family 
is  very  sacred  as  a  condition  of  status  out  of  which  all 
social  contacts  arise  and  in  the  form  of  which  all  civic 
relations  are  seen.  They  vote  for  men  as  incarnations 
of  principles;  they  hold  to  principles  largely  because  of 


"C&e  T5a0i0  of  aacenDamp"        129 

the  men  who  have  promulgated  the  principles  and  the 
impressive  and  noble  way  in  which  these  leaders  have 
taught  the  common  folk  who  heard  them  gladly.  This 
is  idealizing?  Yes,  that  is  one  of  the  troubles — and  one 
of  the  permanent  factors — not  altogether  to  be  frowned 
upon  by  idealizers  of  present-day  "national"  leaders. 
Carlyle  may  have  failed  in  his  task  of  teaching  us  the 
overwhelming  importance  of  hero-worship,  but  the  way 
faring  man  may  see  if  he  will  the  vitality  of  the  South's 
belief  in  personality,  kinship,  family  and  blood. 

Is  the  South  wrong?  Is  there  any  danger  to  "blood" 
from  inter-racial  communion?  Is  there  any  danger  of 
"social  equality"  from  the  practice  of  "political  equal 
ity"?  Is  the  South  believing  in  something  unreal  and 
unpsychological  when  she  practices  the  belief  that  all 
forms  of  equality  come  at  last  to  blood  kinship  actual 
or  possible?  Perhaps  so.  But  many  an  investigator  in 
other  parts  of  the  world  than  the  South  will  warn  us 
not  to  deny  the  South's  claim  without  careful  study. 
"Show  us  the  futility  of  our  over-great  protective  in 
stinct;  show  us  the  unreason  of  our  fears;  show  us  what 
will  take  the  place  of  race-prejudice  run  out  of  a  simple 
man's  mind;  prove  to  us  the  sovereign  power  of  high- 
toned  esthetic  morality  in  preventing  the  mixture  of  the 
races — show  us  some  of  these  things,"  say  the  South 
erners,  "and  we  shall  try  to  put  our  bogie  fears  to  sleep." 

IV.  Racial  Contacts.  "The  ultimate  basis  of  inti 
mate  social  affiliation  is  not  individual  (as  is  so  fre 
quently  asserted),  but  social."  80.  "The  profoundest 
need  of  every  educated  life  is  for  another  educated  life. 
The  deepened  instinct,  the  educative  impulse,  is  assimi 
lative,  accumulative,  social.  It  demands  and  creates  an 
environment."  99.  "The  individual  man,  in  the  world, 
may  escape  almost  every  calamity  or  deliverance  except 


130       Race  fiDttboDojtp  in  tbe  &out{) 

that  which  comes  in  the  form  of  other  men."  156  (cp. 
136).  "The  stronger  race  must  live,  must  find  and  equip 
and  free  itself,  must  rear  its  children— thronged,  en 
vironed,  influenced,  profoundly  determined  by  the  weaker 
race"  (cp.  241)  156.  "There  is  nothing  more  perilous 
to  the  moral  standard  or  social  feeling  than  the  presence 
of  a  large  and  distinctive  class  of  a  closely  related  popu 
lation  too  ignorant  and  too  weak  to  protect  itself.  It 
is  easy  to  say  that  the  case  of  such  a  population  should 
appeal  to  the  chivalry  of  the  strong.  And  so  it  should. 
And  so  it  does."  123.  "The  stronger  becomes  habitu 
ated  to  the  conception  of  itself  as  identical  with  the 
state."  133. 

Comment.  Take  the  quotations  of  this  section  in  con 
nection  with  the  extracts  and  comments  of  previous  sec 
tions,  and  it  will  be  seen  how  close  is  the  connection 
between  all  acts  of  sociality  among  individuals  and  the 
races  they  represent.  We  shall  also  have  to  admit  that 
the  "educative  impulse"  tends  to  pull  down  barriers.  The 
gentleman  is  welcome  the  world  over,  or  tends  to  be,  no 
matter  what  his  nationality.  Intrinsic  nobility  of  soul 
distracts  attention  from  color  of  skin.  Now,  reduce 
race  prejudice,  so  called,  to  the  minimum,  and  allow 
race  contact  to  continue,  is  it  not  inevitable  that  the 
"assimilative"  action  of  education  will  tend  to  break 
down  barriers  of  blood?  So  say  many  Southerners. 
They  seem  to  think  that  contact  begets  either  coopera 
tion  or  competition  (race  competition).  They  believe 
that  cooperation  is  at  bottom  based  on  potential  social 
ity.  The  festive  board  is  usually  an  incident  of  all  co 
operative  efforts,  whether  religious,  philanthropic,  po 
litical,  esthetic,  scientific  or  commercial.  Desiring  neither 
cooperation — except  in  a  very  external  and  therefore 
non-vital  way — nor  competition,  which  is  likely  to  be 


"Cfte  ISaate  of  a0cenDanc?"        131 

decidedly  anti-social,  these  Southerners  naturally  enough 
feel  uncertain  about  giving  the  negroes  an  education  that 
will  make  them  the  "equals'"  of  the  whites,  or,  worse 
still,  make  them  think  themselves  equals  when  they  are 
not.  But  I  must  not  elaborate,  for  this  is  not  primarily 
a  study  of  the  negro  question,  but  a  study  of  Mr.  Mur 
phy's  views  of  it. 

V.  Race  Psychology.     On  p.  191  and  elsewhere  in 
the  book  Mr.  Murphy  hints  at  the  importance  of  the 
"moral  psychology"  of  the  Southern  situation.    Remem 
bering  this,  note  the  implications  of  the  following  two 
quotations:    (i)  "We  are  not  bound  to  assume  equali 
ties  that  do  not  exist,  but  we  cannot  arbitrarily  fix  the 
status  of  inequality  from  without."  197.     (2)  "No  true 
freedom  can  retard  our  freedom.     Every  liberated  ca 
pacity  must  contribute  both  its  capacity  and  its  liberty 
to  ours." 

Comment.  "Moral  psychology"  will  help  us  to  find 
out  what  equalities  are  natural  and  effective  and  safe 
and  useful.  And  it  will  show  us  that  not  every  "liber 
ated  capacity"  is  really  liberated.  "What  will  he  do  with 
it?"  How  will  it  affect  the  other  race?  How  much 
revolution  will  it  breed?  These  are  some  of  the  ques 
tions  brought  out  by  a  practical  psychology  of  peoples. 
True  it  is  that  liberated  capacities  of  our  kind  of  folk, 
folk  with  whom  we  can,  sooner  or  later,  associate  on  a 
basis  of  social  and  biological  equality,  will  really  en 
hance  our  freedom.  But  how  can  there  be  normal  liber 
ated  capacities  in  a  race  occupying  an  inferior  social 
status  and  with  no  hope  of  raising  it  to  terms  of  equality 
with  a  superior  race?  Idealism  cannot  dare  to  dispense 
with  biological  and  psychological  reality.  The  natural 
man  must  precede  and  condition  the  spiritual  man. 

VI.  Existing  Tendencies.    On  p.  32  our  author  makes 


132       Race  SDrttjo&orp  in  tbe  g>outf> 

the  usual  statement  that,  if  it  is  hard  to  convict  a  white 
man  of  murdering  a  negro,  it  will  be  hard  to  convict  a 
white  man  of  murdering  one  of  his  own  color.  In 
Mississippi,  South  Carolina  and  other  Southern  states 
there  are  clear  indications  of  a  growing  regard  for  the 
lives  of  white  men:  for  instance,  notice  the  conviction 
of  Smith,  a  wealthy  man  of  Lowndes  County,  Missis 
sippi,  despite  a  decidedly  good  showing  of  insanity  by 
the  defendant.  Note  also  the  conviction  of  the  Coopers 
in  Tennessee  for  the  killing  of  Senator  Carmack.  The 
tendency  Mr.  Murphy  speaks  of  probably  exists,  but 
with  the  growing  solidarity  of  the  whites  and  the  grow 
ing  antagonism  between  the  races,  it  is  not  impossible 
that  the  whites  will  evolve  a  high  system  of  racial  justice 
and  morality  that  shall  not  apply  at  all  closely  to  the 
negroes.  There  are  examples  in  Greece  and  Rome  of 
that  sort  of  thing.  At  any  rate,  may  not  Mr.  Murphy 
be  assuming  tendencies  without  sufficient  regard  to  all 
the  facts?* 

On  p.  105  our  author  assumes  that  the  negroes  are 
following  their  leaders  better  than  they  used  to.  This 
statement  is  by  no  means  self -evidently  true  to  the  or 
dinary  observer.  There  is  a  conspicuous  loss  of  negro 
leadership  in  politics;  negro  leaders  frequently  show  a 
good  deal  of  jealousy  of  one  another:  the  attitude  of 
very  many  negroes  with  reference  to  Booker  Washing 
ton  is  still  uncertain.  But  I  am  not  trying  to  disprove 
Mr.  Murphy's  statement.  I  only  want  to  register  a 
warning  against  accepting  his  opinion  too  readily. 

*Of  course  I  agree  most  heartily  with  Mr.  Murphy  in  his  high 
regard  for  the  sacredness  of  every  human  life;  but  I  am  not  pre 
pared  to  argue  that  disregard  of  negro  rights  will  inevitably  lead 
to  depreciation  of  the  white  men's  rights.  Logically,  it  ought;  actu 
ally,  it  may  not. 


"Cfte  T5a0i0  of  atecettDattcg"         133 

P.  188.  "The  South  is  at  home  within  the  land." — I 
wish  this  could  be  assumed;  but  I  should  have  to  say 
that  the  statement  should  be  put  thus:  "The  South  is 
as  much  at  home  within  the  land  as  could  be  expected 
under  existing  circumstances,  and  as  much  so  as  any 
other  people  would  be  under  the  same  circumstances." 

On  p.  221  Mr.  Murphy  contends  that  democracy  is 
enforcing  equality  of  rights  everywhere.  I  wish  he 
would  give  instances.  True,  the  classes  are  being  com 
pelled  to  free  the  masses  in  all  homogeneous  nations. 
But  we  are  holding  Filipinos  and  Porto  Ricans  with  a 
pretty  close  rein,  and  tightening  the  reins  on  the  latter. 
"Might  till  right  is  ready"  still  seems  to  be  good  policy. 
In  South  Africa  the  mother  country  is  about  to  let  the 
white  colonists  manage  the  natives  as  seems  best  to  the 
dominant  race.  Democracy  is  gaining  among  uniracial 
peoples,  and  showing  a  tendency  to  gain  among  people 
who  are  overwhelmingly  in  the  majority  as  compared 
with  their  conquerers,  and  at  the  same  time  show  some 
capacity  for  self-government  that  will  not  seriously  in 
terfere  with  the  weal  of  the  dominant  race  (India). 
Even  in  these  last  cases,  we  cannot  argue  as  if  they  were 
similar  to  the  Southern  problem,  where  the  whites  are 
the  "nation." 

P.  228.  Mr.  Murphy  holds  that  the  disfranchisement 
of  all  negroes  is  not  the  prevailing  tendency. — How 
about  Mississippi  and  South  Carolina,  for  example? 
And  in  Mr.  Murphy's  own  state  of  Alabama,  does  he 
find  that  the  common  people,  who  settle  "tendencies," 
want  any  negroes  to  vote? 

On  p.  231  we  are  told  that  the  dilemma  is  this:  De 
velopment  or  repression?  Many  of  us  put  it  thus: 
Development  somewhere  else  or  a  certain  degree  of 
necessary  repression  here?  Nowhere  does  it  seem  to 


134       Bate  2)rtf)oDorp  in  tfje  &outf) 

enter  Mr.  Murphy's  mind  that  his  rather  contemptuous 
dismissal  of  all  schemes  of  negro  colonization  is  pos 
sibly  a  form  of  closing  the  door  of  hope  in  the  negro's 
face. 

VII.  Data  Wanted.  On  p.  61  we  are  told  that  the 
morality  of  the  negro  women  has  moved  forward.  This 
is  probably  true,  if  what  is  meant  is  this :  there  are  more 
virtuous  negro  women  in  proportion  to  the  population 
than  there  were  twenty-five  years  ago.  Very  many 
Southerners  do  not  believe  this  last  statement;  could 
they  be  convinced  of  its  truth  by  an  impartial  investiga 
tion  of  conditions,  the  cause  of  the  negro  would  be 
helped  in  the  South.  Many  claim  that  prostitution  has 
increased  more  than  concubinage  has  decreased. 

P.  64  note.  We  are  warned  against  accepting  census 
inferences  to  the  effect  that  negroes  are  going  out  of 
the  higher  grade  of  manual  arts.  Mr.  Murphy  thinks 
that  many,  for  example,  who  leave  barber  shops  go  to 
carpenter  benches,  etc.  Then  there  ought  to  be  more 
carpenters.  The  figures  ought  to  show  correlative  com 
pensation.  Perhaps  they  do.  It  would  be  interesting 
to  have,  say,  one  hundred  cases  of  the  kind  mentioned 
by  our  author.  But  the  statement  itself  will  be  warmly 
questioned  if  it  is  to  be  put  forward  as  a  generalization. 

P.  97.  Blending  with  whites  not  so  common. — Here 
again  the  facts  are  hard  to  gather  and  the  interpretation 
very  doubtful.  Blending  may  be  going  on  at  a  greater 
rate  in  the  North,  where  people  are  less  apt  to  detect 
negro  blood  in  light  mulattoes.  It  is  true,  without  ques 
tion,  that  dislike  of  negro  blood  is  stronger  than  it  used 
to  be  and  that  the  whites  are  more  careful  in  their  ob 
servations  of  race  mixture. 

P.  97.  The  power  of  the  negro  race  to  "hold  its  own" 
is  increasing. — Now  this  is  one  of  the  very  points  at 


"Cfie  TBasfc  of  a^cenDanc?"         135 

issue,  and  one  of  the  hardest  to  decide  about.  Is  it 
wise  to  make  such  statements  without  giving  the  proof 
or  pointing  out  the  data? 

V.  Doubtful  Interpretation  of  Doubtful  Facts,  (i) 
We  ought  all  to  admire  the  glow  of  Mr.  Murphy's  moral 
indignation.  The  present  writer,  for  one,  believes  that 
the  South  is  morally  cursed  on  account  of  the  presence 
of  this  negro  problem.  But  we  gain  nothing  by  making 
doubtful  statements  about  conditions  and  giving  doubt 
ful  interpretations  about  these  "facts."  If  the  following 
statement  were  improperly  used  throughout  the  South  it 
would  do  Mr.  Murphy's  cause  a  great  deal  of  harm: 
"He"  (the  man  accused  of  being  "silly  about  the  negro") 
"is  struggling  to  save  the  ballot  from  degradation,  the 
courts  from  paralysis,  the  schools  from  the  touch  of  an 
ignorant  and  benumbing  controversy,  our  industries  from 
the  destitution  of  crude  warfare  or  depleting  irritations, 
the  law  from  injustices  which  will  blight  the  wholesome 
progress  of  every  class  among  us,  our  society  itself  from 
the  reproach  that  its  rights  are  partial  and  that  its  effi 
ciencies,  so  far  as  they  may  be  founded  upon  its  eva 
sions,  are  based  upon  the  sands.  If  to  fight  against 
these  things  is  to  fight  for  the  negro,  then  there  are 
some  of  us  who  wish  it  to  be  known  that  we  are  fighting 
for  the  negro."  34  f. 

Comment.  Most  Southerners  would  reply,  and  with 
much  truth:  The  ballot  is  purer  than  it  has  ever  been 
since  the  war,  but  is,  of  course,  "degraded"  in  the  esti 
mation  of  people  whom  we  won't  allow  to  vote,  because 
we  believe  that  they  can  never  be  real  citizens;  the  courts 
are  not  paralyzed,  but  becoming  more  efficient,  and  espe 
cially  because  negroes  don't  sit  on  juries — even  negroes 
get  better  justice  than  they  used  to,  though  it  is  true 
that  negroes  will  be  discriminated  against  so  far  as  they 


136       Eace  ©rtljoDorj?  in  tfte 

seem  to  endanger  white  supremacy  or  the  interests  of 
the  whites  as  a  race;  the  schools — for  the  whites — are 
very  far  from  being  in  a  "benumbed"  condition,  and 
white  children  are  being  brought  to  the  schools  without 
using  compulsory  law ;  our  industries,  our  laws  and  other 
things  of  our  civilization  are  rapidly  developing.  Yes, 
righting  against  negro  political  disability  is  righting  "for 
the  negro,"  and  such  righting  will  be  resented  by  the 
average  Southerner.  True,  the  better  men  of  the  South 
are  sorry  that  the  negroes  must  be  discriminated  against 
and  deprecate  all  failure  of  justice  in  the  courts.  And 
the  higher  classes  contain  not  a  few  men  who  believe 
such  discrimination  to  be  dangerous  to  morals  and  the 
whole  spiritual  life.  But,  says  the  average  man,  we  are 
in  an  abnormal  condition  and  must  choose  between  evils. 
Convince  us  in  a  careful,  scientific,  not  dogmatic  way 
that  the  methods  we  have  chosen  are  not  conducive  to  our 
higher  welfare,  and  we'll  try  to  get  better  methods. 
But  don't  tell  us  to  help  the  negroes  develop  at  our  ex 
pense.  We  are  willing  to  develop  him  so  that  he  will 
remain  in  the  place  we  put  him.  If  you  leave  him  here 
we  are  going  to  be  his  Providence  and  do  the  best  we 
can  for  him  without  endangering  ourselves.  And,  in 
our  judgment,  we  shall  be  endangering  ourselves  if  we 
teach  the  negro  that  any  one  of  his  race,  however  highly 
developed,  is  a  citizen  in  the  sense  that  a  native-born 
white  man  is,  or  a  white  foreigner  whose  children  may 
at  length  be  able  to  intermarry  with  our  children.  This 
plea  of  the  Southerner  may  not  be  valid;  but  it  has  a 
closer  relation  to  things  as  they  are  and  as  they  are 
bound  to  be  than  the  implications  of  the  last  quoted 
words  of  Mr.  Murphy.  Who  is  to  judge  between  these 
divergent  views  of  fact  and  interpretation?  I  should 
say,  neither  combatant,  but  those  who  have  investigated 


"€J)e  ISaste  of  ascenliancg"         137 

the  phenomena  in  the  dry  light  of  science.     And  who 
are  they? 

(2)  P.  89.    Mr.  Murphy  thinks  that  race  sensitiveness 
has  increased  because  of  the  following  factors:    I,  com 
munity  of  interest;  2,  community  of  suffering;  3,  preju 
dice  from  without. — Perhaps  so,  but  has  he  forgotten 
what  he  said  about  "consciousness  of  kind"  ?    Is  not  that 
becoming  spontaneously  more  acute  and  more  self-con 
scious?    And  is  not  race  consciousness — pan-teutonism, 
pan-slavism  and  the  like — growing  the  world  over?    Do 
not  Caucasians  talk  about  a  "yellow  peril"?    Does  not 
the  world  think  far  more  of  race  differences  than  it  did 
when  the  French  revolutionists  were  exhorting  about  the 
"rights  of  man"  ?    A  philosopher  may  not  be  blamed  for 
evolving  a  set  of  causes  from  his  reflection  upon  his 
ordinary  experience ;  but  what  the  situation  needs  is  facts 
scientifically  gathered  and  scientifically  interpreted. 

(3)  "The  South,  in  her  soul,  has  no  dream,  nor  no 
tion,  nor  imagination,  except  of  a  democratic  state."  187. 
— Right,    provided    "democratic"    means    white   demo 
cratic. 

(4)  On  pp.  188-9  Mr.  Murphy  tells  us  about  the  in 
gratitude  of  the  weaker  race  and  the  brutality  of  the 
stronger.     Does  he  mean  to  imply  that  the  weaker  race 
is  ungrateful  because  it  is  weaker,  and  the  stronger  "bru 
tal"  because  it  is  stronger?    May  not  the  "ingratitude" 
be  negroid  and  not  really  what  the  white  man  means  by 
"ingratitude" ;  may  not  what  he  calls  the  "brutality"  of 
the  whites  be  something  very  different,  and  may  not 
real  "brutality"  among  the  whites  be  so  rare  as  to  be 
entirely  untypical?    These  questions  are  not  asked  in  a 
captious  spirit,  but  because  I,  for  one,  need  light  on  these 
matters. 

(5)  On  p.  238  our  author  has  a  passage,  too  long  to 


ftace  2)rtf)oDorp  in  tfte  8>out|) 

quote,  about  the  sinister  "education"  the  negro  gets  in 
regard  to  his  race  from  newspaper  disparagement,  popu 
lar  unfairness  and  the  like.  Now  all  this  is  due  to  the 
radical  belief  in  the  negro's  inferiority — all  admit  this. 
And  what  we  regard  as  inferior  we  finally  come  to  dis 
like,  as  James  Bryce  so  well  pointed  out  in  the  words  of 
his  quoted  above.  Will  not  the  "solution"  of  the  prob 
lem  have  to  take  this  into  account,  and  can  we  cure 
esthetic  and  moral  dislike  by  pointing  out  the  fact  that 
it  "hurts"  the  negro?  The  saints  are  too  few  and  the 
sinners  too  many,  and  the  handicap  against  increasing 
the  ranks  of  the  saints  is  too  much  for  the  poor  "natural 
man"  who  may  have  aspirations  in  this  direction.  The 
negro  is  persona  non  grata,  and  thus  he  will  remain  to 
the  end  of  time :  so  says  the  Southern  white  man.  Can 
one  say  offhand  that  he  is  wrong? 

IX.  Dogmas,  (i)  In  his  preface  (xvii)  Mr.  Mur 
phy  contrasts  "spurious  catholicity  of  race"  with  the  be 
littling  or  denying  of  "individuality"  in  other  races. — 
Well,  says  the  Southerner,  that  belittling  and  denying 
will  inevitably  go  on  till  the  millennium  unless  we  adopt 
the  opposing  dogma  of  race  catholicity  in  the  only  sense 
of  the  word  catholicity  that  has  any  hope  for  the  lower 
race — equal  social  recognition. 

(2)  P.  1 6  f.  Education  by  the  ballot  vs.  public  secur 
ity. — Mr.  Murphy  believes  that  public  security  ought 
not  to  be  sacrificed  to  "education  by  the  ballot"  when  it 
is  negroes  that  have  to  be  so  educated.  But  will  the  time 
ever  come  when  the  whites  are  willing  to  call  the  negroes 
real  citizens?  They  have  never  wanted  to  disenfran 
chise  ignorant  white  men ;  will  they  ever  want  to  welcome 
the  use  of  the  ballot  on  the  part  of  intelligent  negroes  in 
considerable  numbers?  They  cannot  well  help  allowing 
a  few  of  them  to  vote;  but  those  few  don't  enjoy  the 


"C&e  15a0i0  of  ascenflatug"        139 

process  overmuch!  The  Southerners,  not  having  force 
enough,  have  invoked  craft  and  the  complaisance  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  to  nullify  in  the  spirit  an 
article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  An 
overwhelming  majority  of  the  Southern  masses  would, 
I  believe,  repeal  the  amendment  to-morrow  if  they  could, 
though  in  my  judgment  the  repeal  would  be  inadvisable 
unless  accompanied  by  a  new  amendment  giving  the 
negro  some  sort  of  racial  representation  in  state  and 
federal  legislation.  The  Southern  conception  of  "pub 
lic  security"  will  have  to  be  profoundly  modified  by 
stronger  arguments  than  anything  Mr.  Murphy  brings 
forward  if  the  negroes  are  to  be  allowed  to  vote. 

(3)  We  now  come  to  a  dogma  of  Mr.  Murphy's  which 
is,  perhaps,  his  favorite,  and  which  appears  conspicu 
ously  in  print  for  the  first  time,  so  far  as  I  remember. 
I  shall  give  the  substance  of  his  contention  as  gleaned 
from  several  references  in  this  book:  P.  56 — So  long 
as  the  lower  race  is  kept  down,  so  long  will  fusion  con 
tinue.  ...  P.  74 — 'Fusion  occurs  at  the  lowest  levels. 
...  P.  76 — The  development  of  the  negroes  will  not 
increase  intermarriage,  "so  far  as  one  can  now  deter 
mine."  ...  P.  94 — Those  who  think  that  the  educated 
negro  will  turn  from  his  race  to  the  whites  "know  little 
of  the  tendencies  of  the  negroes  and  still  less  of  the 
tendencies  of  education." 

Comment.  In  the  first  place  the  fusion  at  the  lower 
levels  is  admittedly  of  an  animal  nature,  a  matter  of 
sexual  convenience,  but  is  by  no  means  peculiar  to  "lower 
whites."  It  is  probably  decreasing  more  proportionately 
with  the  lower  whites  than  with  better  educated  whites, 
who  ought  to  be  morally  better.  In  some  communities 
it  is  not  the  lower  whites  who  indulge  in  habitual  con 
cubinage,  but  supposedly  substantial  men,  and  sometimes 


140       Race  2Drt&oDo*g  in  t&e 

educated  men.  As  the  prostitute's  trade  grows  concu 
binage  is  said  to  decrease.  But,  strange  as  the  statement 
may  seem  to  Northern  and  many  Southern  ears,  not  a 
few  whites  of  supposed  higher  grades  have  expressed  a 
sexual  preference  for  negro  or  mulatto  women,  mostly 
the  latter.  This  preference  would  be  much  more  wide 
spread,  as  several  persons  have  explained  to  me  in  talk 
ing  about  their  own  experiences,  were  it  not  for  race 
prejudice,  or  conscientious  scruples,  or  fear  of  being  ex 
posed.  What  I  have  just  said  is  based  on  investigation 
into  the  practices  and  opinions  and  preferences  of  definite 
individuals,  and  I  hope  these  hints  are  sufficient  to  justify 
me  in  saying  that  Mr.  Murphy's  dogma  is  a  tribute  to 
his  innocence. 

Senator  Tillman's  belief  that  some  so-called  respectable 
whites  would  marry  rich  negro  women  but  for  the  laws 
against  miscegenation  and  fear  of  the  community  has,  I 
believe,  some  basis  in  fact.  However  that  may  be,  I  do 
not  think  that  Mr.  Murphy's  view  ought  to  be  accepted 
without  investigation.  I  am  glad  that  he  guards  him 
self  by  saying,  "so  far  as  one  can  now  determine." 

Readers  of  Kelly  Miller  and  DuBois  will  find  no 
trouble  in  reading  the  heart-views  of  these  negro  leaders 
about  educated  negroes  "turning  to  the  whites."  Of 
course  these  men  would  reprehend  any  turning  to  whites 
as  whites,  but  they  believe  that  a  gentleman  or  a  lady 
anywhere  ought  to  have  the  right  of  the  "pursuit  of 
happiness"  in  getting  a  suitable  spouse  without  refer 
ence  to  "race,  color  or  previous  condition  of  servitude." 
I  may  be  mistaken,  but  such  is  the  inference  I  have  been 
compelled  to  draw.  And  why  should  they  not  think 
this?  Is  it  not  natural  and  self-respecting?  If  some 
of  us  were  negroes  or  mulattoes  should  not  we  hold  the 
same  view?  Almost  every  Southerner  with  whom  I 


"C&e  15a0i0  of  a0cenDamp"         141 

have  conversed  on  this  subject — and  I  have  talked  with 
hundreds  of  all  classes  and  conditions  of  life — has  said 
that  in  his  judgment  most  of  the  educated  negroes  would 
like  to  have  the  right  to  intermarry  with  whites.  This 
belief  is  probably  exaggerated,  but  it  is,  in  my  judg 
ment,  nearer  the  truth  than  is  Mr.  Murphy's  opinion. 
However,  we  know  extremely  little  on  this  topic. 

I  may  know  little  of  racial  feeling  and  less  of  educa 
tion,  but  I  find  that  the  marriages  between  Jews  and 
Gentiles  of  my  acquaintance  occur  at  the  higher  rather 
than  at  the  lower  levels.  The  cases  are  not  altogether 
analogous,  but,  as  Mr.  Murphy  brings  the  case  of  Jew 
into  the  discussion,  I  am  privileged  to  use  it  in  doubting 
the  validity  of  his  opinion. 

(4)  P.  1 66.  Our  author  says  that  the  declining  race 
pulls  the  stronger  down,  etc.  This  may  be  true;  but  I 
fail  to  recall  instances  enough  to  warrant  a  ganeraliza- 
tion.  It  may  be  that  our  American  kin  in  Hawaii  are 
going  down.  It  may  be  that  we  have  all  gone  down 
with  the  American  Indian.  But  some  of  us  think  that, 
no  matter  what  happens  to  the  negro,  we  Southern  white 
people,  with  God's  help,  are  going  up.  Doubtless  the 
declining  race  will  pull  down  the  stronger  if  that  stronger 
lets  it  take  hold.  And  doubtless  the  drowning  man 
sometimes  drowns  his  would-be  rescuer.  But — what  is 
the  use  in  multiplying  words?  The  question  is  one  of 
fact.  What  are  the  facts  of  history  and  experience? 
Mr.  Murphy's  statement,  in  the  absence  of  evidence,  need 
not  be  taken  to  be  more  than  a  possible  truth.  If  our 
author  will  limit  the  statement  to  different  classes  in  the 
same  nation,  or  to  different  races  that  intermarry,  he 
will  be  at  least  uttering  an  opinion  that  I  shall  not  quarrel 
with.  But  the  white  man  has  a  marvelous  ability  to 


142       Race  £>rtl)o&oq>  in  tbe 

get  out  of  the  way  of  a  drowning  race,  whether  it  be 
Indian  or  negro  !* 

(5)  On  page  198  we  are  informed  that  society  need 
have  no  relation  to  negro  "rights."  This  idea  is  the 
most  astonishing  of  all,  especially  since  it  comes  from 
a  Southerner.  Here  is  the  place  where  the  battle  wages. 
Has  Mr.  Murphy  any  right  to  end  the  fight  and  claim  a 
victory  without  shivering  a  single  lance  ?  I  have  already 
touched  on  this  point  and  cannot  discuss  it  further  now. 
The  psychology  of  the  white  man's  mind  will  show  us 
some  light  some  of  these  days.  May  those  days  soon 
come!  I  must  insist,  in  closing  this  section,  that  man's 
life  must  be  assumed  to  be  connected  in  all  the  length 
and  breadth  and  thickness  of  it.  A  happy  and  useful 
civic  life  of  con  amore  cooperation  is  practically  impos 
sible  when  not  based  upon  social  intercourse,  or  at  least 
the  hope  of  it  for  one's  children's  children.  So  says 
the  experience  of  ages.  So  the  Southerner  feels  when 
he  declines  to  hold  open  a  "door  of  hope"  to  the  negro 
that  will  usher  him  into  ultimate  hell  fire  of  race  strife. 
If  there  can  be  healthful  political  and  civic  equality  with 
out  social  equality,  give  us  facts  from  history,  and  psy 
chological  and  social  science,  and  careful  and  candid 
observation,  in  order  that  we  may  believe;  but  do  not 
expect  us  to  accept  without  proof  a  doctrine  that  gives 
the  lie  to  our  Southern  tendencies  and  our  actual  experi 
ences.  It  may  be  that  Southern  people  base  too  much 
on  sociality  and  the  family  life;  but  we  are  hardly  will 
ing  to  renounce  the  peculiar  genius  of  our  people  in 

*  I  do  not  deny  the  moral  danger  that  besets  any  race  that  holds 
another  in  tutelage.  And  I  am  unwilling  to  see  any  Southern  folk 
exposed  to  this  danger,  if  a  way  of  escape  can  be  provided.  But 
it  may  be  possible  for  the  dominant  race  to  rise — though  perhaps 
not  as  high  as  it  might — while  the  lower  race  is  "going  down." 


"Cfte  T5a0f0  of  30cenDancp"         143 

associating  all  "rights"  with  social  rights,  just  at  a  time 
when  race  consciousness  is  awakening  the  world  over, 
and  when  men  are  calling  for  purer  and  more  conserva 
tive  family  life. 


THE  NORTHERN  VIEW  AND  TRADITION 

I.  Democratic  Idealism.  On  page  9  we  are  told  that 
our  democracy  insists  that  "class  as  class  shall  never 
rule."  On  p.  232  Mr.  Murphy  speaks  of  the  negro  as 
a  "new  class  that  may  hold  the  balance  of  power."  On 
page  235  occurs  the  expression:  "Restrictions  shall  have 
no  stigma  of  class."  Pp.  240  and  241  speak  of  the  train 
ing  of  the  "people"  in  a  sense  that  makes  the  word  in 
clude  the  negro.  Page  236  reminds  one  of  the  true,  old- 
fashioned  abolition  fervor.  If  the  negro's  permanent 
acceptance  of  a  low  status  be  the  condition  of  peace, 
"then  we  had  better  have  something  less  than  peace." 
The  absence  of  "manhood"  is  more  dangerous  than  racial 
disturbance. 

Comment.  Is  the  negro  a  "class"  ?  And  do  the  demo 
cratic  arguments  about  class  touch  the  subject  in  any 
way?  Do  Southerners  show  any  disposition  to  injure 
"classes"  ?  Our  author  (and  the  old  but  receding  North 
ern  sentiment)  fails  to  see  that  the  negro  is  not  treated 
as  a  class  at  the  South,  but  as  a  race — a  very  different 
thing.  Orthodox  statements  about  democracy  refer  to 
homogeneous  or  at  least  to  uniracial  situations;  or,  if 
they  did  not  in  the  past,  they  are  learning  to  do  so  to-day. 
No  Southerner  would  deny  Mr.  Murphy's  contentions 
about  democracy  versus  aristocracy.  Racial  distinctions 
are  very  different  things  from  superficial  castes  made  by 
social  or  economic  distinctions.  The  former  have  a  bio- 


144       Kate  2Dtti)oDo*p  in  tfte  Soittft 

logical  basis.  If  we  agree  that  God  made  of  one  all 
the  nations  to  dwell  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  we 
must  also  admit  that  he  "set  the  bounds  of  their  habi 
tations."  And  if  unassimilable  types  stray  away  or  are 
taken  away,  they  introduce  discord  into  the  course  of 
nature.  This  discord  is  not  necessarily  cured  by  talking 
and  acting  as  if  the  whites  were  a  favored  class  of  a 
homogeneous  population  and  the  negroes  another  class! 
Northerners  generally  have  always  tended  to  think  of 
negroes  as  individuals,  and  therefore  cannot  understand 
the  mass  psychology  of  the  South.  If  I  am  not  mis 
taken,  modern  social  science  is  more  and  more  taking  the 
Southern  point  of  view,  especially  when  dealing  with 
national  life. 

Referring  to  Mr.  Murphy's  last  statement,  which  is 
really  founded  on  those  immediately  preceding  it,  I  may 
say  that  to  the  Southern  negro  it  may  be  true  that  ab 
sence  of  manhood  may  be  worse  than  racial  disturbance; 
but  to  the  white  Southerner  it  may  be  that  absence  of 
manhood  among  the  negroes  is  not  so  bad  as  racial  dis 
turbance!  At  any  rate,  it  is  a  peculiarity  of  the  typical 
Northern  view  that  it  has  only  two  horns  to  its  "lemma." 
Now  doubtless  the  true  dilemma,  as  the  word  indicates, 
has  but  two  alternatives;  so  let  us  say  that  we  may  be 
dealing  with  a  trilemma  or  a  polylemma.  The  either-or 
and  versus  attitude  is  hardly  scientific  in  this  connection. 
Why  should  we  have  to  choose  between  loss  of  manhood 
and  fear  of  racial  disturbance?  The  "solution"  cham 
pioned  by  Jefferson  and  Lincoln  (colonization  of  ne 
groes)  may  prevent  either  of  the  fatal  results  that  Mr. 
Murphy  deprecates.  And  there  may  be  other  alterna 
tives  not  yet  mentioned.  Let's  find  them  out! 

II.  "Out  of  Touch." — Just  a  few  references  to  show 
that  Mr.  Murphy  is  sometimes  out  of  touch  with  "his 


"Cfte  15a0f0  of  ascenDatup"        145 

people,"  as  I  suppose  he  would  call  most  Southerners. 
P.  58 — "It  soon  seems  to  be  incredible  to  us  that  any 
one  could  have  ever  hoped  to  rebuild  the  South  as  a 
permanent  institutional  exception  to  all  that  has  been 
known  and  proved  of  human  nature  and  of  human  so 
cieties  .  .  .  promote  the  self-respect  of  one  race  by 
weakening  the  self-respect  of  the  other."  Of  whom  does 
Mr.  Murphy  speak?  Most  Southerners  think  that  the 
South,  rather  than  the  abstract  advocates  of  "human 
rights,"  had  the  "straight  of  it"  as  to  practical  knowledge 
of  human  institutions.  The  South  believed  that  the  sud 
den  freeing  and  enfranchisement  of  millions  of  slaves 
of  an  alien  race  was  an  act  contradictory  of  all  human 
experience  and  institutions.  Mr.  Murphy,  in  spite  of 
his  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  sudden  enfranchisement 
of  the  negroes,  is  still  thinking  of  the  negroes  as  a  class 
of  citizens,  whereas  the  South  does  not  regard  them  as 
true  citizens  at  all!  And  the  better  men  of  the  South 
interfere  with  the  negro's  self-respect  only  in  the  spirit 
of  self-protection. 

Southerners  take  "snapshot  judgment"  on  the  negro's 
"inadequacies,"  says  Mr.  Murphy  (p.  236).  But  does 
Mr.  Murphy  help  to  eradicate  that  tendency  by  himself 
pronouncing  summary  judgment  on  Southern  leaders  like 
Tillman  and  Vardaman?  I  do  not  care  for  such  leaders 
in  a  scientific  consideration  of  the  negro  question,  but  I 
hope  that  I  understand  them  better  than  Mr.  Murphy 
does,  and  I  am  anxious  that  they  may  have  the  credit 
for  some  degree  of  sincerity  and  other  qualities  that  I 
believe  them  to  possess.  These  Southern  leaders  could 
not  acquire  so  much  power  did  they  not  represent  the 
people's  views  in  large  measure.  In  attributing  their 
hostility  to  negro  suffrage  only  to  snap  judgment  on  the 
negro's  inadequacy,  Mr.  Murphy  is  condemning  the  de- 


146       mace  fl>rti)oDo*p  in  tfte  Soutft 

fensible  opinion  of  perhaps  a  large  majority  of  the  com 
mon  folk  of  the  South. 

We  are  informed  on  p.  237  that  it  is  not  right  to  dis 
franchise  a  people  on  the  ground  of  their  ignorance  and 
then  give  them  no  schools. — Assuredly  such  a  procedure 
would  be  pernicious.  But  who  says  that  the  negroes 
were  disfranchised  on  the  ground  of  their  ignorance 
alone?  Few  Southerners  wish  to  disfranchise  illiterate 
or  ignorant  white  men.  Indeed,  great  ingenuity  has  been 
exercised  in  trying  to  retain  the  franchise  for  such  men. 
The  negro  is  not  a  class,  but  a  race.  The  classes  can  be 
assimilated  in  the  South;  the  races  cannot.  Here  is  the 
crux  of  the  race  question. 


SOLUTIONS 

I.  Methods  and  Processes.     I  have  not  time  to  go 
further  into  the  criticism  of  the  book.     Besides,  I  have 
already  discussed  its  leading  ideas  and  attitudes.     For 
the  rest  I  must  content  myself  with  giving  a  list  of  refer 
ences  under  the  above  heading  and  the  next,  and  then  a 
few  final  hints  that  must  take  the  place  of  comment. 

References:  xx,  xxi,  48,  53,  79,  103,  in,  159  f,  165, 
1 66,  170,  209,  213,  243. 

II.  Results:  n,  12,  113,  146,  218,  222,  241,  248. 


On  page  241,  where  Mr.  Murphy  admits  that  Southern 
industrial  and  commercial  progress  will  never  equal  that 
of  other  sections  if  the  negroes  stay  with  us,  he  prac 
tically  gives  up  the  fight.  Does  he  suppose  that  South 
erners  are  going  to  rest  content  with  a  future  less  than 
the  best  that  man  can  have?  And  does  he  think  that 
commercial  backwardness  will  not  be  accompanied  with 


"Cfte  T5a*te  of  ascenDatup"        147 

other  forms  of  maldevelopment  ?  Some  may  be  willing 
to  be  partially  damned  for  their  black  brethren's  sake. 
Not  so  most  of  us.  If  we  cannot  be  great  in  the  presence 
of  the  negro,  we  will  surely  get  rid  of  him,  God  helping 
us,  through  the  help  of  our  country  and  the  rest  of  the 
civilized  world.  The  best  white  Southerners  want  the 
negro  to  get  all  the  development  that  he  can  get,  but  not 
at  their  expense.  He  shall  not  keep  us  down,  they  say. 
We  will  not  be  a  less-favored  portion  of  this  country. 
We  must  come  into  our  heritage,  Africans  to  the  con 
trary  notwithstanding.  As  things  are  now  (as  we  have 
already  said)  our  finer  spirits  often  want  to  get  away 
from  it  all,  and  our  rougher  spirits  often  want  to  make 
the  negro  get  out  of  it  all.  When  it  comes  to  a  "show 
down,"  if  that  should  have  to  come,  the  plan  of  the 
rougher  ones  will  probably  be  the  one  adopted.  But  shall 
we  rest  supinely  and  wait  for  conflict,  or  for  that  second- 
rate  future  that  Mr.  Murphy  is  self-sacrificing  enough 
to  be  willing  for  us  to  have  ?  There  is  a  more  excellent 
way :  Let  us  organize  a  nation-wide,  a  world-wide  co 
operative  and  scientific  study  of  this  negro  problem,  and 
get  the  masses  of  the  white  people  and  the  black  people 
to  help  and  to  get  themselves  into  trim  for  acquiescence 
in  the  results  that  the  best  human  wisdom  may  offer. 

It  is  a  sin  against  God  and  a  crime  against  man  to 
leave  this  largest  of  human  problems  in  the  hands  of 
"people  generally/'  without  making  a  national  scientific 
effort  to  rid  ourselves  of  this  body  of  death  in  life  that 
so  fearfully  besets  us.  What  does  it  avail  to  have  sci 
ence  and  education  when  we  fail  to  apply  them  to  the 
real  problems  of  life  that  are  close  to  the  heart  of  a 
people's  safety  and  peace  and  development? 

Finally  let  me  say  that,  in  spite  of  my  earnest  belief 


148       Kace  SDttftoDojg  in  tfte 

that  Mr.  Murphy  has  not  successfully  seized  some  of  the 
most  fundamental  psychological  aspects  of  the  race  ques 
tion,  I  trust  that  our  people,  North  and  South,  will  ever 
honor  men  of  his  splendid  type  of  patriotism  and  Chris 
tianity  and  philosophic  largeness  of  mind. 


II.     SOCIOLOGICAL 

SOUTHERNISM  AND  "THE  SOUTHERNER" 
(From   Neale's   Monthly  for   August,   1913.) 

I 

\ 

Four  years  ago  the  publishers  of  "The  Southerner" 

requested  a  number  of  Southern  men,  including  myself, 
to  give  their  opinion  of  the  fitness  of  the  book  for  dis 
tribution  in  the  South.  This  request  was  made  because, 
it  was  said,  a  public-spirited  gentleman  wished  to  make 
the  book  more  widely  known  in  the  Southern  states,  pro 
vided  it  were  acceptable  there.  The  novel,  which  had 
already  appeared  as  a  serial  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  had 
excited  much  favorable  comment  in  sections  other  than 
Southern  as  a  book  of  the  times  and  of  the  South. 

Having  lived  the  greater  part  of  ten  years  in  the  North, 
— although  Southern  born  and  bred,  and  consequently 
sympathetic  toward  both  Southern  sentiment  and  the  new 
nationalism  that  was  arising  in  the  secession  states, — 
and  being  a  professed  student  of  Southern  questions, 
especially  the  negro  problem,  I  went  to  the  book  with 
the  expectation  of  finding  something  I  could  praise  gen 
erously.  To  my  surprise,  I  found  that  Nicholas  Worth, 
the  ostensible  author,  felt  intellectually  at  home  only  in 
the  North,  and  especially  in  Boston;  that  he  ridiculed 
the  Confederate  Veterans  and  the  Daughters  of  the  Con 
federacy  ;  that  he  failed  to  see  any  sense  in  Southern  sen- 

149 


150       Race  SDtt&oDosp  in  t&e  Soutft 

sitiveness  with  regard  to  the  negro  question,  and  that 
he  seemed  to  mention  religious  life  at  the  South  only  to 
sneer  at  it. 

As  I  read  Nicholas  Worth's  wholesale  charges  of  in 
sincerity  and  lack  of  frankness  on  the  part  of  Southern 
political  leaders,  and  noted  the  indications  of  his  belief 
that  the  South  was  under  the  dominion  of  the  "dead 
hand,"  I  thought  to  myself :  Even  granting  that  the  atti 
tude  and  strictures  of  Nicholas  Worth,  schoolmaster, 
politician,  and  reformer,  are  well  founded,  his  book  is 
evidently  not  one  to  be  read  in  the  South,  where  rever 
ence  for  the  past  and  hero-worship  now  find  no  serious 
difficulty  in  aligning  themselves  with  industrial  progres- 
siveness  and  religious  and  political  independence. 

I  myself  had  spent  several  college  years  as  an  agnos 
tic  ;  I  had  bolted  the  Democratic  nomination  for  governor 
of  South  Carolina,  not  having  perceived  the  real  mean 
ing  of  Tillman's  apparent  violence  and  ruthless  attacks 
on  those  whom  I  had  been  taught  to  revere;  yet  it  had 
never  occurred  to  me  that  the  Confederate  Veterans  and 
the  Daughters  of  the  Confederacy, — though  individuals 
among  them  sometimes  had  exhibited  "amusing"  yet 
understandable  and  pardonable  exaggerations  and  excess 
of  sentimentality, — were  legitimate  objects  of  ridicule, 
even  to  one  like  myself,  whose  life  and  training  had  given 
him  perspective,  and  who  was  supposed  to  have  some 
sense  of  humor. 

Wishing  to  discourage  the  circulation  of  the  book  as  a 
philanthropic  free  tonic  for  Southerners,  I  wrote  the  re 
view  for  the  publishers  (in  1909),  and  summed  up  my 
criticism  substantially  as  follows : 

i.  The  author  of  "The  Southerner"  is  not  a  South 
erner  of  the  spirit,  whatever  he  may  be  of  the  flesh. 
There  is  something  of  North  Carolina  and  something  of 


"C&e  ^outfjetner"  151 

Massachusetts  in  his  attitude,  but  none  of  that  all-inclu 
sive  Americanism  that  alone  is  able  to  write  about  the 
South  with  sympathy  of  the  heart  yet  with  balanced 
critical  discrimination. 

2.  When  he  compares  North  and  South,  as  he  often 
does,  the  South  always  gets  the  worst  of  it.    He  professes 
to  appreciate  evanescent  Southern  charm  and  romance; 
but  in  the  background  of  his  thoughts  one  feels  sure  of 
the  ever-ready  comparison  between  a  Southern  medieval 
barbarism  on  the  one  hand  and  the  solid  merit  of  an 
up-to-date  Northern  civilization  on  the  other. 

3.  There  seems  to  be  lack  of  sympathy  for  the  South 
ern  temperament, — perhaps  due  to  a  proselyte's  disgust 
felt  for  a  forsaken  cult.    This  possibly  explains  the  au 
thor's  talk  about  the  "humor"  of  Southern  traits  and 
situations  and  his  attitude  as  "business"  intellecluel, — an 
attitude   not   uncommon    in   "New    England-educated" 
Southerners  living  in  New  York. 

4.  Being  out  of  sympathy  with  spiritual  Southernism, 
he  fails  to  do  justice  to  the  social  and  institutional  life 
of  the  South. 

5.  His  fundamental  failure  in  part  is  due  to  a  wrong 
view  of  the  negro  question.     Neither  the  "business"  view 
nor  that  of  abstract  humanitarianism,  nor  a  combination 
of   both,    will   ever   enable   anyone   to   understand    the 
Southern  white  man's  attitude  toward  the  negro. 

After  sending  my  opinion  of  the  book  to  the  publishers 
I  heard  rumors  to  the  effect  that  the  real  writer  of  the 
novel  was  a  man  who  had  the  public  ear  to  quite  a  degree. 
I  could  but  regret  the  ostensible  author's  failure  to  under 
stand  both  the  plain  people  of  the  South  and  their  old 
leaders,  and  still  hope  that,  whoever  he  may  be,  the  real 
author  will  yet  disavow  sympathy  with  the  sad  misun- 


152       Kate  2Drt&oDo*g  in  tfte 

derstanding  of  the  South  on  the  part  of  "Nicholas 
Worth." 

I  shall  not  discuss  the  ethics  of  anonymity  in  this  par 
ticular  case.  The  reputed  author,  Mr.  Walter  Hines 
Page,  has  not  disavowed  his  responsibility  for  the  book. 
It  therefore  challenges  attention  on  account  of  its  alleged 
representativeness  and  because  the  author  is  generally 
supposed  to  be  the  American  ambassador  to  Great  Brit 
ain.  The  real  author's  conscious  attitude  may  be  entirely 
commendable :  I  assume  it  to  be  so.  But  my  contention 
is  with  Nicholas  Worth,  who  assumes  to  set  forth  the 
true  inwardness  of  the  Southern  situation. 

As  a  Southerner, — who  is  all  the  more  an  American 
because  he  is  a  Southerner, — I  feel  free  to  make  this 
review  count  for  the  advancement  of  a  large  cause  that 
all  good  men  should  wish  to  further,  a  proper  under 
standing  of  the  South  and  the  negro  question;  hence,  if 
for  no  other  reason,  I  desire  to  keep  clear  of  even  the 
appearance  of  sectional  rancor  and  self-conscious  "smart" 
criticism.  Moreover,  personally  I  am  unprogressive 
enough  to  hold  fast  to  faith  in  the  amenities  of  criticism 
and  the  courtesies  of  debate. 


II 


The  story  runs  somewhat  as  follows : 

Nicholas  Worth  III  is  ten  years  of  age  when  the  tide 
of  civil  war  begins  to  be  felt  at  Milworth,  a  little  cotton- 
mill  town  in  North  Carolina.  His  father  and  his  grand 
father  are  Union  men. 

Nicholas  recounts  various  experiences  of  his  boyhood : 
the  camp  meeting,  where  the  old  "hymn-h'ister"  is  said 


"C&e  ^outfterttet"  153 

to  have  "bawled  along  the  corduroy  tune,"  seeing  "a  vis 
ion  of  the  wicked  burning  in  Hell,"  whereat  "he  rejoiced, 
and  he  quickened  his  pace  somewhat,  for  he  had  intima 
tions  of  the  ecstasy  that  was  to  overcome  him  an  hour 
later" ;  and  where  the  Reverend  Mr.  Babb  selected  as  his 
text  a  "sulphurous  sentence,"  after  which  he  "preached 
and  spat  himself  into  a  spasm,"  etc. ;  the  Ku  Klux  Klan ; 
the  private  school  "for  the  flower  of  the  South,"  wherein 
Nicholas  fought  a  boy  who  insulted  him  because  the 
father  of  Nicholas  was  not  a  colonel,  and  where  he  played 
"the  game  of  Mathematics,  Latin,  and  the  Honour  of  a 
Gentleman — not  a  bad  game  for  youth  whether  in  that 
cloistered  school  or  in  the  world."  (p.  53.)  One  scene  of 
these  boyhood  days  pictures  the  frantic  conduct  of  Con 
federate  veterans  as  they  ecstatically  kiss  a  bust  of  Stone 
wall  Jackson  that  had  been  unveiled.  Later  Worth  un 
dergoes  "effervescence  of  spirit"  when  he  enters  a  de 
nominational  college. 

The  next  step  is  Harvard  University,  where  our  hero 
finds  his  true  "intellectual  home,"  unfavorably  contrasts 
Adelaide  Cooley,  of  "orderly  mind"  but  guiltless  of  emo 
tions,  with  his  "slow"  and  "restful"  Cousin  Margaret, 
who  figures  as  the  typical  Southern  girl.  Nicholas  has 
fun  with  Northern  misconceptions  of  Uncle  Remus  and 
the  like;  "exchanges  confidences"  with  a  colored  stu 
dent  in  regard  to  a  lecturer's  "Bostonian  intonations"; 
gives  a  capital  illustration  of  the  fatuous  lionizing  of  a 
negro  student,  and  thinks  he  finds  his  religious  doubts 
settled  on  a  basis  free  from  the  Methodist-Baptist-Pres 
byterian-Episcopalian  conservatism.  After  graduation 
he  is  offered  a  place  as  teacher  in  Harvard,  but  decides 
to  go  back  to  his  "own"  people,  despite  his  intellectual 
preference  for  the  frank  and  free  North. 

In  Marlborough,  his  state's  capital, — which  he  charac- 


154       Kace  2Drtftoflo*p  in  tfce 

terizes  as  the  "dullest  settlement  of  English-speaking 
people"  on  the  face  of  the  earth, — he  meets  Professor 
"Billy"  Bain,  who  is  an  advanced  exponent  of  industrial 
and  home-making  education.  They  become  great  friends 
right  away  on  account  of  their  mutual  desire  to  vitalize 
Southern  education;  but  Cousin  Margaret  closes  chapter 
ten  with  her  plaintive  refrain,  to  be  repeated  in  substance 
at  the  end  of  several  other  chapters :  "Dear  Cousin,  you 
have  lived  away  from  us  so  long  that  you  may  forget 
our  own  people.  You  won't,  will  you  ?" 

The  school  at  "Energetic  Edinboro"  is  given  to 
Nicholas.  He  applies  Professor  Billy's  practical  prin 
ciples  (rather  than  Harvard's),  and  as  superintendent 
works  for  both  the  white  and  the  negro  schools.  Here 
his  troubles  begin.  He  gets  a  principal  for  the  negro 
school,  "Professor"  Marshall,  from  Hampton,  after 
vainly  trying  to  obtain  one  from  the  negro  college  man 
aged  by  the  white  Snodders, — Northerners  that  "grov 
eled  in  martyrdom,"  "neglected  and  tactless  foreigners 
in  a  strange  land." 

.Worth's  version  of  Southern  life,  as  expressed  by  Cap 
tain  Bob,  the  Republican  boss,  is  characteristic  of  the 
book :  "We  are  born  and  baptized  and  grow  up  and  live 
and  eat  and  think  and  vote  and  swear  and  drink  and  go 
to  hell — all  by  formulas.  You've  got  to  keep  to  the  right 
formula."  But  Nicholas  tries  to  live  up  to  the  spirit  of 
his  grandfather,  who  used  to  say  to  him,  "Widen  your 
horizon." 

Consequently  Nicholas  eschews  narrow  things,  and 
therefore  declines  to  make  a  speech  on  Jefferson  Davis. 
He  says  to  himself:  That  way  lies  ruinous  limitation! 
Indeed,  seeing  Margaret  the  center  of  wild  Confederate 
enthusiasm,  he  resolves  to  save  her  from  the  "shame." 
(161.)  Margaret,  however,  alienates  him  still  more  by 


"C&e  S>out&erttet"  155 

saving  some  Confederate  relics  from  the  burning  of  St. 
Peter's  Church,  barely  escaping  with  her  life.  The  lack 
of  "patriotic"  sympathy  between  the  young  people  be 
comes  manifest.  And, — though  Margaret's  soft  remon 
strances  are  heard  for  a  few  times,  and  though  she 
praises  him  warmly  for  his  educational  activity, — she 
drops  out  of  the  story,  to  give  place  to  the  English- 
educated  Louise  Caldwell,  who  is  "advanced"  in  her 
views  of  patriotism,  and  keeps  away  from  the  "senti 
mental"  Daughters  of  the  Confederacy  and  the  "beg 
garly"  Confederate  Veterans.  (182.) 

Election  time  grows  near.  Colonel  Stringweather  has 
Thomas  Carter  Warren  nominated.  Warren  is  engaged 
to  Nicholas  Worth's  sister  Barbara,  but  she  breaks  the 
engagement  when  she  sees  that  a  little  mulatto  girl, 
Lissa's  child,  is  the  living  image  of  Tom  Warren,  and 
finds  corroborating  evidence  of  Tom's — indiscretion. 
Warren  is  said  to  be  a  poor  candidate  because  he  "does 
not  see  the  absurdities  of  the  ludicrous  life  all  about 
him."  (187.) 

The  Education  Club  founded  by  Bain  and  Worth,  find 
ing  that  the  Democratic  bosses  will  not  champion  the 
club's  projected  educational  reforms,  decides  to  organ 
ize  a  bolt  and  to  have  their  own  man  put  up  for  state 
superintendent  of  education  in  place  of  a  "broken-down 
Baptist  minister,"  who  had  been  nominated  by  the  Demo 
crats.  Nicholas  is  chosen  as  Independent  candidate,  and 
is  "endorsed"  by  the  Populist-Republican  coalition. 

At  first  he  finds  it  hard  to  reach  the  people  in  his 
canvass.  Negroes  form  the  greater  part  of  his  audience, 
and  Worth  is  belabored  by  the  Democratic  organ, — The 
White  Man.  All  sorts  of  charges, — social  equality  with 
the  negroes,  sleeping  in  negro  houses,  etc., — are  urged 
against  him.  It  is  insinuated  that  Lissa's  daughter  owes 


156       Race  DrtftoDcnn?  in  tfte 

paternity  to  him.  But  at  length  Warren  compels  his 
managers  to  drop  their  scurrilous  tactics  by  avowing  his 
own  responsibility  for  the  mulatto  child. 

In  his  campaign  Worth  insists  on  fairness  as  to  negro 
suffrage,  and  tells  the  negro  that  the  white  man  has  "got 
to"  give  him  education,  etc.  To  his  white  associates  he 
insists  that  there  is  no  negro  problem,  but  that  it  is 
simply  a  "social  and  industrial  condition."  (P.  52. )  His 
canvass  seems  to  be  succeeding,  when  a  catastrophe  oc 
curs  in  the  killing  of  Colonel  Stringweather  by  a  negro. 
This  occurrence  strengthens  the  prejudice  against 
Worth's  "too  much  nigger"  candidacy. 

When  election  day  is  over  Worth's  friends  believe  that 
he  has  been  elected,  but  claim  that  the  election  has  been 
turned  against  him  through  intimidation  and  fraud,  be 
cause  men  of  the  Democratic  party  feel  justified  in  doing 
anything  to  defeat  a  man  who  had  sat  at  table  with 
negroes  at  Harvard,  and  who,  they  alleged,  wished  to 
give  negroes  such  treatment  as  would  soon  make  them 
think  themselves  on  an  equality  with  white  people. 
Writes  Nicholas :  "One  paper  published  this  inquiry  ad 
dressed  to  me  in  'sorrowful  emphasis' :  'Would  you 
marry  your  daughter  to  a  nigger  ?'  and  it  added :  'Until 
the  gentleman  answers  that  test  question  we  need  not 
pay  more  attention  to  what  he  says.' '  The  death  of 
Stringweather  and  a  race  riot  on  election  day  had  of 
course  been  attributed  to  Worth's  activity  on  behalf  of 
negro  rights  and  privileges. 

Having  resigned  his  professorship  because  of  his  can 
didacy,  Worth  is  at  first  inclined  to  consider  the  promise 
of  some  of  his  friends  the  enemy  to  get  a  consulship  in 
Greece  for  him,  but  his  brother  Charles  and  his  friend, 
young  Caldwell,  persuade  him  that  the  Democrats  are 
simply  trying  to  get  him  out  of  the  country.  He  there- 


"Cfte  Southerner"  157 

fore  decides  to  remain,  write  the  history  of  his  common 
wealth,  and  become  a  "builder"  of  the  society  that  is  to 
come. 

Nicholas  finds  it  hard  to  write  history  with  his  fond 
mother  near  to  interrupt  him,  and  at  times  he  has  serious 
doubts  whether  or  not  he  can  remain  in  a  land  where 
there  must  be  "silence  on  subjects  of  serious  concern." 
Nevertheless,  his  decision  to  stay  remains  unaltered. 

Being  invited  to  Boston,  he  delivers  an  address  and 
some  conversational  speeches  in  which  he  advocates 
building  Southern  education  on  cotton;  accuses  North 
erners  of  a  certain  type  of  "drawing  the  color  line" ;  ex 
presses  his  desire  to  escape  the  shadow  "Southerner," 
and  so  on.  After  enlightening  Northern  audiences  and 
individuals  in  this  way  he  goes  South  in  haste  to  find 
his  sweetheart,  Louise  Caldwell,  whose  freedom  from 
sentimental  Southern  patriotism  enables  her  easily  to 
take  the  place  of  "willing"  Margaret  in  Worth's  emanci 
pated  heart. 

The  last  significant  episode  of  the  novel  is  the  descrip 
tion  of  an  interview  between  Nicholas  and  Lissa's  daugh 
ter,  who  had  been  educated  North  by  her  father,  had 
passed  for  a  white  girl,  had  married  a  white  captain  of 
industry  at  Pittsburgh,  and  had  now  come  South  to 
visit  the  scenes  of  her  childhood. 

The  book  closes  with  indications  that  Nicholas  Worth 
IV  is  a  chip  of  the  old  block  and  will  devote  himself  to 
the  "uplift"  of  the  people  of  his  state. 


Ill 

The  book  is  primarily  a  tract   for  the  times,   only 
secondarily  a  novel.     Hence  we  need  spend  no  time  on 


158       mace  SDrti)oDofp  in  tfte 

literary  criticism.  The  candid  reviewer,  however,  will 
gladly  admit  that  the  author  has  given  us  some  vivid 
touches  of  felicitous  description  and  genial  humor, 
despite  the  generally  sarcastic  sermons  and  rather  forced 
and  somber  hopefulness  of  the  story. 

In  trying  to  get  at  the  "message''  of  the  book  we  are 
helped  by  this  peculiarity  that  marks  it :  the  author  evi 
dently  regards  traditional  Southernism  as  a  sort  of  social 
disease.  Since  Nicholas  Worth  so  interprets  the  South 
ern  situation,  I  propose  that  we  take  up  the  case  in  de 
tail,  first  considering  the  symptoms,  and  then  passing  on 
to  diagnosis,  causation,  prognosis,  and  treatment. 

First  of  all,  let  us  notice  the  religious  symptoms. 
Worth  seems  to  hold  that  the  close  association  of  religion 
with  education,  the  narrow  and  striving  denominational- 
ism,  the  over-great  pray  erf  ulness  ("It  seemed  ill-bred 
not  to  pray." — p.  65),  the  tendency  to  suppress  honest 
doubt,  the  Sabbatarianism  ("no  train  ran  ...  on  the 
Sabbath, — not  so  long  as  the  firm  of  Suggs  and  Babb 
did  business  for  the  Lord."  p.  410),  are  symptoms  of 
bad  circulation  of  intellectual  blood.  However,  his  pic 
tures  of  Southern  religion  are  not  typical,  so  far  as  my 
experience  goes.  Making  "Christian  character"  the  aim 
of  education  may  be  claimed  as  a  Southern  symptom; 
but  that  is  not  universally  regarded  by  the  world, — in 
England,  for  instance, — as  in  any  sense  a  "retarded" 
piece  of  mentality. 

During  the  'seventies  in  South  Carolina  "sulphurous 
sermons"  were  so  uncommon  that  we  boys  used  to  watch 
out  for  them  with  interest :  we  called  them  "H.  and  D. 
[Hell  and  Damnation]  sermons."  In  our  section  relig 
ion  was  not  characteristically  terrifying;  ministers  were 
not  hypocrites  like  Worth's  spiritual  guides,  Babb  and 


"€&e  Southerner"  159 

Suggs.  Granting  that  the  South  tried  to  conserve  the  "old 
time  religion/'  we  may  note  that  even  German  Biblical 
criticism  is  becoming  more  conservative !  The  evangeli 
cal  religious  conservatism  of  the  South,  though  in  part 
a  sign  of  slow  development,  is  partly  temperamental ;  but 
it  may  yet  serve  a  useful  purpose  in  slowing  down  the 
speed  of  an  overhasty  liberalism  that  threatens  to  throw 
out  the  baby  with  the  bath  water.  Nor  is  it  absolutely 
necessary  that  Southern  religion  should  follow  exactly 
the  New  England  lines  of  development.  Perhaps  we  pre 
fer  Old  England  lines  with  American  improvements. 

Next  we  look  into  the  "patriotic"  symptoms  of  South- 
ernism.  Surely  Worth  cannot  tell  us, — tell  us,  who 
know, — that  the  scene  of  the  kissing  of  Jackson's  effigy 
was  a  common  thing  in  the  South.  But,  suppose  it  had 
been;  should  temperamental  Southern  emotionalism  be 
judged  by  Professor  Worth's  analytic  intellectualism  ? 
Besides,  I  have  heard  distinguished  Northern  visitors 
say  that  they  wished  they  could  see  the  same  enthusiasm 
at  reunions  of  Northern  soldiers  as  they  witness  during 
the  gathering  of  Confederate  veterans.  Even  though  a 
supposed  student  of  social  character  may  not  be  "intel 
lectually  at  home"  in  the  South  as  he  is  in  Boston,  I  call 
upon  our  author  as  one  who  would  write  for  the  world 
not  to  paint  Southern  scenes  as  "symptoms"  of  disorder, 
when  they  are  really  a  part  of  that  Southern  "openness" 
and  "closeness  to  the  soil"  that  he  professes  to  admire. 
Would  he  have  Southern  sentiment  take  on  the  dry  rot 
of  intellectual  aloofness? 

The  apparent  political  symptoms  are  more  serious. 
Worth  seems  to  wish  to  give  the  impression  that  certain 
tricks  of  the  political  trade  are  peculiar  to  the  South. 
Are  all  the  repressions  and  suppressions  Southern? 


160       mace  a>rt!)oDo*p  in  t&e  Soutft 

Have  there  been  no  "zones  of  silence"  with  regard  to  the 
true  inwardness  of  the  tariff,  the  trusts,  the  financial 
system  and  the  like?  Is  our  "Southerner"  sure  that  even 
a  small  percentage  of  the  "colonels"  were  hypocrites, 
and  that  they  did  not  believe  what  they  said  with  regard 
to  "social  equality,"  "negro  competition,"  and  so  forth? 
The  "colonels"  were  often  leaders  at  the  South  because 
of  their  training  in  public  affairs,  their  social  position, 
and  the  like.  If  Worth  claims  that  certain  kinds  of 
"politics"  are  a  disease,  I  agree  with  him.  But  we 
Southerners  have  a  right  to  our  own  peculiar  form  of  the 
disease  without  having  our  leaders  specially  stigmatized 
as  "insincere"  and  "hypocritical." 

I  pass  over  such  alleged  symptoms  as  the  "oratorical 
habit."  Fashions  change  in  oratory  as  in  other  things. 
Southern  college  boys  of  to-day  do  not  often  "orate"  in 
the  set  terms  of  their  fathers.  Southerners  will  always 
be  orators,  let  us  hope;  that  is  one  of  their  talents.  The 
oratory  of  the  political  stump  is  not,  I  assert,  half  so 
bad  as  the  hypocrisies  of  secret  coteries  and  committees 
in  high  places  remote  from  the  public  gaze.  "Zones  of 
silence"  are  to  be  deprecated  in  a  democracy,  but  let  us 
push  publicity  all  along  the  line,  and  not  waste  so  much 
time  belaboring  the  "oratorical  habit,"  which  will  doubt 
less  become  less  blatant  and  more  insidious  as  the  "higher 
civilization"  of  which  Nicholas  Worth  is  a  prophet  per 
meates  the  South. 

In  describing  Southern  women  Worth  conveys  the 
impression  that  they  are  characteristically  languorous 
and  helpless  beings.  If  they  were,  that  condition  would 
be  a  transient  symptom,  due  to  historical  and  climatic 
causes,  not  a  disease  of  character.  Worth  knows,  of 
course,  or  should  know,  that  helpless  types  have  always 


"Cfte  Soutftewer"  161 

been  exceptions,  and  that  Southern  women  have  risen  to 
every  occasion  that  they  have  had  to  face. 

When  we  come  to  the  racial  complex  of  symptoms  the 
pathologic  taint  appears.  Indeed,  whenever  religion  and 
politics  touch  racial  issues  the  one  seems  to  forget  the 
universality  of  the  gospel  message  and  the  other  is  silent 
about  the  equal  rights  of  man,  "no  taxation  without  rep 
resentation,"  and  the  other  democratic  doctrines  of  the 
fathers. 

Although  "Nicholas  Worth"  seems  to  look  askance 
on  sentiment  in  love  and  patriotism,  and  shows  esthetic 
disgust  at  such  terms  as  "beauty"  and  "chivalry"  and  all 
rotund  oratorical  utterances,  even  he  must  agree  with  us 
that  race-hatred,  the  cry  "This  is  a  white  man's  coun 
try,"  the  fear  of  "negro  domination,"  the  dread  of  the 
assumption  of  "social  equality"  by  the  negroes,  are  the 
real  symptoms  of  a  deep-lying  trouble.  Why  all  this 
"preternatural  suspicion"  (as  Carlyle  would  call  it)  ? 
Why  this  seeming  anesthesia  with  regard  to  intellectual 
and  political  freedom  for  all  men  and  this  hyperesthesia 
with  regard  to  anything  that  even  remotely  touches  the 
negro?  I  cannot  agree  with  one  of  the  characters  in  the 
story  that  "nobody  cares  a  damn  about  the  nigger,"  be 
cause  the  whole  mentality  of  the  Southern  whites, — con 
sciousness,  subconsciousness,  and  "superconsciousness," 
— necessarily  is  full  of  racial  anxiety  (angst).  Here  is 
the  "psychopathic  complex"  that  disturbs  Southern  life. 

Perhaps  we  should  now  attempt  a  diagnosis  of  such 
"Southernism"  as  is  held  to  be  pathological,  guided  by 
our  knowledge  of  the  crucial  symptoms.  "Professional" 
Southernism  is  simply  one  type  of  attack.  When  a  poli 
tician  talks  of  the  "maudlin  craze  for  education"  he  is, 
consciously  or  unconsciously,  thinking  of  negro  "higher" 
education.  All  the  apparent  limitations  of  democracy 


1 62       Race  2Drtj)oDorp  in  tfte 

and  of  Christianity  in  the  South  are  connected  with  the 
"nigger"  complex  of  symptoms  one  way  or  another. 

I  judge  that  Worth  has  attempted  a  partial  diagnosis 
from  the  following  statements  of  his:  ghosts  of  dead 
commanders  [hallucinations  of  the  spiritual  eye  ?] ;  rigid 
orthodoxy  of  formulas  [cataleptic  condition?]  ;  zones  of 
silence  with  regard  to  religion  and  politics,  etc.  [hysteric 
zones  of  anesthesia?]  ;  negro-in- America  form  of  insan 
ity  [monomaniacal  anxiety  ?] ;  all  history  a  perversion 
or  a  suppression  [suppressed  complexes  of  thought  and 
feeling  that  the  patient  is  unwilling  to  face?] ;  fear  on 
one  subject  [anxiety  complex?]  ;  double  life  [a  false, 
"split-off"  personality  of  hysteria  ?] ;  etc.  Now,  I  think 
that  Worth  on  the  whole  is  disposed  to  diagnosticate  the 
case  as  one  of  hysteria.  Let  us  be  careful,  though.  The 
line  between  social  health  and  social  disease  is  hard  to 
draw,  and  social  hysteria  is  an  obscure,  protean  thing 
that  requires  careful  investigation.  Some  of  the  freak 
ish  conduct  of  the  patient  ("Professional"  Southernism) 
evidently  makes  our  author  suspect  a  guileful  form  of 
professional  hysteria.  It  is  said  that  Charcot  had  some 
patients  of  that  kind  in  Paris. 

On  the  whole,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  case  is 
one  of  incipient  hysteria.  "Nicholas  Worth"  would  ad 
mit  that  much,  and  would  perhaps  go  much  further.  He 
would  agree,  I  hope,  that  there  is  nothing  deeply  wrong 
with  the  patient's  nervous  system,  but  that  the  trouble  is 
one  of  stress  and  strain  of  life.  Indeed,  he  calls  it  "de 
fensive,"  and  that  term  is  one  much  associated  with 
hysteria  by  many  savants  of  the  day.  A  defensive  re 
action  !  Well,  perhaps  we  had  better  now  go  on  to  study 
the  cause  of  the  trouble, — the  etiology  of  the  case. 

The  author's  list  of  causes :  "error  of  slavery" ;  "crime 
of  secession"  [Grandfather  Worth] ;  "medievalism" ; 


"Cfte  Southerner"  163 

"poverty";  "forced  emigration"  of  "strong  men"  from 
the  South ;  "killing"  of  the  "working  habits"  by  slavery ; 
"rule  of  the  dead" ;  the  "old  false  position, "—all  these 
would  be  but  secondary  causes  if  they  all  existed.  Worth 
incidentally  has  mentioned  the  true  causes, — "dormant 
race-hatred,"  "people  fear  what  they  do  not  know"; 
"three  hundred  tragedies"  [mulattoes  in  an  audience]  ; 
the  mulatto  woman  who  "passed  as  white."  The  South 
is  suffering  from  the  threat  of  a  divided  personality,  a 
form  of  hysteria  in  which  a  diseased  self, — accompanied 
by  a  group  of  symptoms  that  the  patient  will  not  or 
dares  not  face, — tends  to  usurp  the  place  of  the  true 
personality.  The  abnormal,  freakish  self  unconsciously 
disguises  the  real  cause  of  its  own  appearance.  So  in 
the  South  the  true  self  is  democratic  and  Christian  and 
humanitarian;  but  emotional  race  politics  sometimes 
causes  the  onlooker  to  mistake  the  race-hatred  simula 
crum  of  the  South  for  the  real  Southern  personality. 

A  fear  of  "amalgamation"  due  to  instinctive  aware 
ness  of  the  terrible  power  of  easily  aroused  and  easily 
satisfied  sex  passion  often  masquerades  as  a  belief  in 
Anglo-Saxon  civilization,  or  in  some  other  "institution" 
that  needs  to  be  "preserved."  But  Southern  men  know, 
— and  the  mulatto  tragedies  testify  to  this  knowledge, — 
that  esthetic  dislike  of  race-mixture  has  not  defended 
race  purity  in  the  South;  and  they  believe  that  race- 
prejudice, — aye,  even  race-hatred, — does  tend  to  offer  an 
adequate  defense.  Truly,  some  of  the  worst  white  of 
fenders  against  racial  purity  are  most  savage  against  the 
negroes.  Lust  easily  becomes  transformed  into  hate. 
But  most  Southerners  see  the  danger  in  the  negro  situa 
tion.  They  believe  that  legitimation  of  sexual  relations 
between  races  would  set  free  the  flood  of  mongrelism; 
hence  they  guard  all  possible  approaches  toward  any 
sort  of  social  recognition  of  the  negro.  Mixed  marriages 


1 64       Race  ffttijQDogp  in  tfte 

occur  in  the  North.  Light  mulattoes  "lose"  themselves 
in  the  white  population  from  time  to  time.  Most  North 
erners  seem  disinclined  to  recognize  the  representative 
ness  of  a  race,  but  incline  toward  treating  high-grade 
negroes  as  individuals  only.  These  are  a  few  of  the 
aspects  of  the  racial  situation.  Only  a  full  study  can 
do  them  justice. 

Southern  women,  too,  know  the  danger  threatening 
white  men  and  youths,  as  this  story  testifies.  Refined, 
upright  Southern  gentlemen  may  utterly  disavow  sub 
conscious  dread  of  "amalgamation"  so  far  as  they  them 
selves  are  concerned;  but  they  admit  the  danger  for 
growing  youth  and  many  adult  men.  When  two  races 
are  thrown  together  the  natural  consequence  is  either 
race  mixture  or  race  antagonism.  It  is  a  general  belief 
in  the  South  that  increase  of  race  antagonism  has  caused 
decrease  of  race  mixture. 

I  have  said  that  the  true  self  of  the  Southern  white 
man  is  democratic  and  humanitarian, — believing  in  the 
rights  of  man  and  in  the  brotherhood  of  the  spiritual  life. 
Yet,  in  spite  of  himself,  feeling  obscurely  that  all  the 
rights  of  man  are  as  organically  related  as  are  the  parts  of 
the  body,  the  Southern  white  man  instinctively  strives  to 
keep  the  negro  away  from  the  assumption  of  any  rights 
and  privileges  that  might  ultimately  imply  social  ming 
ling  and  consequent  racial  mixture.  He  hopes  at  least  to 
insulate  vice  as  much  as  possible.  History  shows  that 
race  problems  are  solved  by  race  mixture.  Experience 
suggests  that  all  human  rights  are  ultimately  social,  and 
are  based  institutionally  on  the  home.  The  white  man 
does  not  wish  to  disavow  his  Christianity  and  his  democ 
racy;  but  he  feels  that  there  are  great  instinctive  forces 
at  work  against  the  purity  of  his  race;  he  realizes  the 
necessity  of  his  apparent  inconsistency;  he  cannot  get 


"C6e  Sotit&ernet"  165 

the  world  to  understand;  he  ends  by  elevating  "white 
supremacy"  into  a  creed  without  being  able  to  explain  it 
even  to  himself. 

Now,  I  do  not  pretend  to  say  that  I  have  explained 
the  case.  I  am  simply  studying  it,  and  this  is  not  the 
place  for  a  full  treatment  of  the  problem.  But  I  do 
want  to  insist  upon  this:  the  real  cause  of  any  patho 
logical  "Southernism"  is  an  abnormal  situation,  wherein 
a  proud  and  highly  endowed  race  finds  itself  on  the  same 
territory  with  an  amiable,  dependent,  and,  perhaps,  prom 
ising  people, — who  nevertheless  cannot  be  assimilated; 
for  the  simple  reason  that  human  beings  have  bodies  as 
well  as  souls,  and  all  true  assimilation  is  ultimately  based 
on  intermarriage.  Without  biological  mixture  there  is 
friction,  antagonism,  dominance  of  one  race  over  the 
other.  Science  does  not  seem  to  advise  the  mingling  of 
two  such  races.  Even  if  it  did,  the  Teutonic  peoples  do 
not  believe  in  such  mixture. 

So  there  is  unconscious  conflict  in  the  white  man's 
attitude.  He  cannot  square  his  racial  orthodoxy  with  his 
democratic  and  Christian  faith.  Those  of  us  who  are 
sympathetically  and  yet  scientifically  studying  the  negro 
and  ourselves  hope  to  show  the  world  the  insistent  need 
of  relieving  the  white  man  from  his  burden  of  defensive 
inconsistency.  Let  him  that  doubts  the  marvelous  and 
insidious  power  of  sexual  proximity,  free  from  esthetic 
dislike  and  free  from  race  prejudice, — let  him,  I  say, 
study  the  recent  development  of  sex  psychology,  and  he 
will  see  the  unnaturalness  of  putting  two  civilizations 
parallel  to  each  other  without  expecting  them  to  meet  in 
fusion  or  in  conflict.  And  Southerners  know,  from  con 
versations  with  Northern  leaders,  that  many  of  the  latter 
fully  expect  the  race  problem  to  be  ultimately  settled  by 
means  of  race  mixture.  Hence  Southern  opposition  to 


1 66       Race  2Drtf)o0oi:p  in  tfte 

Northern  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  negro.  Much  of  it 
seems  cruelly  unfair.  But  anxiety  studies  neither  logic 
nor  ethics. 

What  of  the  prognosis  of  this  distressing  social  trou 
ble?  "Nicholas  Worth"  seems  to  think  that  the  dying 
out  of  the  "colonels"  will  settle  things.  Look  around 
and  behold  the  successors  of  the  "colonels."  They  make 
a  much  defter  use  of  the  race  problem  than  the  "colo 
nels"  ever  did.  The  veteran  politicians  of  reconstruction 
times  had  urgent  need  to  free  their  section  from  misrule 
and  to  keep  it  freed;  the  newer  political  leaders  are 
steadily  intent  on  making  the  negro  realize  that  he  can 
never  be  a  real  citizen.  Nicholas  Worth  had  better  call 
back  the  colonels ! 

The  author  of  "The  Southerner"  assumes  that  the 
races  will  always  live  together.  If  the  cause  of  the 
trouble  is  what  Senator  John  Sharp  Williams  calls  the 
"physical  presence  of  the  negro,"  is  not  Mr.  Worth  tak 
ing  a  hopeless  view  of  the  future?  Even  now  senators 
are  elected  pledged  to  work  for  the  striking  out  or  the 
profound  modification  of  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
amendments.  The  supreme  court  of  the  land  gives  no 
promise  to  the  negro.  Discrimination  against  him, 
legally,  economically,  and  in  every  other  way,  proceeds 
apace. 

But  Worth  says  that  we  must  not  expect  too  much, 
and  that  we  must  take  a  far  look  ahead.  Granted :  but 
we  must  study  the  forces  in  operation  and  ask  whither 
they  are  leading.  The  American  ideal  is  invincible  and 
things  must  come  out  right.  If  the  cause  of  the  trouble, 
however,  is  in  the  white  man's  mind,  no  prognosis  of 
this  case  will  be  satisfactory  that  does  not  deal  with  that 
"symptom." 

Worth  assures  us  that  he  was  silent  toward  his  mother 


"Cfce  Southerner"  167 

with  regard  to  matters  that  would  pain  her  if  they  were 
discussed.  Unless  he  will  help  us  to  remedy  our  real 
trouble  in  some  way  that  will  reach  the  ultimate  cause,  it 
would  be  better  for  him  to  refrain  from  setting  forth 
sarcasms  as  a  basis  for  a  brilliant  "cotton"  civilization 
in  the  motherland  that  produced  him. 

The  South  sees  no  vision  pointed  out  by  a  prophet 
who  does  not  love  her  from  the  heart. 

My  prognosis  is  this :  So  far  as  I  can  see,  the  future 
holds  no  really  permanent  hope,  no  matter  how  much 
educational  and  material  advancement  is  made,  unless 
something  can  be  done  to  remove  the  deep  anxiety  of  the 
Southern  white  man,  which  is  due  to  the  presence  of  a 
"split-off"  self,  the  defensive  self  of  race  prejudice. 
Will  Worth's  treatment  affect  that?  Let  us  see. 

Intellectual  emancipation,  religious  toleration  and  lib 
erality,  shaking  off  the  fetters  of  provincialism,  getting 
rid  of  worn-out  formulas  and  so  on, — all  these  things 
are  coming  to  pass,  even  where  the  influence  of  Harvard 
is  not  very  evident.  The  Southern  whites  are  giving  the 
negro  his  dole  and  are  allowing  Northerners  to  spend 
money  on  him.  The  great  agencies  for  the  distribution 
of  money  for  education  are  learning  to  let  the  Southern 
ers  spend  it  in  their  own  way.  These  agencies  are  learn 
ing,  too,  to  discriminate  between  the  exploiting  South 
erners  on  the  one  hand,  who  coyly  welcome  all  "Yankee" 
money  for  the  suffering  South,  and  the  elect  Southerners, 
on  the  other  hand,  who  despise  soft-soaping  ways  as 
much  as  they  abhor  fire-eating.  In  other  words,  the 
South,  like  the  rest  of  the  world,  is  treating  herself  to 
the  newer  education,  and  welcomes  all  help  that  is 
straightforward  and  kindly,  and  neither  grudging  nor 
condescending. 

But  does  Nicholas  Worth  think  that  negroes  are  ap- 


1 68       Race  ©rtfca&orp  in  tfte 

preciably  nearer  equal  rights,  say  the  suffrage,  than  they 
were  twenty  years  ago?  Does  he  imagine  that  "rebel 
lion"  against  the  "generals"  and  the  "colonels"  is  worth 
talking  about?  Does  he  find  the  youth  of  the  South 
showing  a  disposition  to  treat  whites  and  blacks  as  "a 
people"  rather  than  as  two  races  ?  Does  he  find  that  the 
ten  thousand  young  white  men  who  have  been  studying 
the  race  question  under  the  guidance  of  Professor  Weath- 
erford  are  likely  to  advocate  the  negro's  right  to  the 
suffrage,  or  that  they  realize  that  they  have  "got  to 
[p.  243]  do  more  for  the  negro"  ?  Worth's  recipe  of 
education  is  all  right.  All  social  doctors  are  prescrib 
ing  it. 

But  some  of  us  do  not  wish  to  base  all  our  education 
on  cotton.  We  want  Southern  education,  industrial  and 
other,  to  continue  to  be  as  varied  and  as  free  as  any 
other  education  on  earth.  We  intend  to  stand  not  one 
pace  behind  the  chief est  of  states  and  peoples.  We  will 
hold  our  place  in  the  world's  work  and  in  the  world's 
progress. 

And  if  the  negro  is  in  our  way,  and  is  the  cause  of 
all  our  trouble,  we  will  relieve  the  situation  as  best  we 
can;  first,  for  our  own  sake  (for  even  Reformer  Worth 
must  realize  that  the  world  knows  that  the  white  people 
are  the  more  important  part  of  the  Southern  popula 
tion)  ;  and  secondly,  for  the  sake  of  the  negro. 

We  need  more  wide-visioned,  practical  men  down 
South,  and  we  are  growing  them.  In  fact,  the  process 
has  never  stopped,  though  circumstances  retarded  us  for 
a  time.  But  Worth  and  his  kind  must  not  prescribe  for 
us  contempt  for  Confederate  Veterans;  for  the  "senti 
mental"  South;  for  the  Daughters  of  the  Confederacy; 
for  oratory;  for  Christian  education;  for  noble  women, 
and  for  chivalrous  men.  Such  a  prescription  may  not  be 


"C&e  Sout&ernet"  169 

too  bitter  (Professor  Nicholas  disclaims  bitterness)  ;  but 
it  is  too  sour ! 

Even  a  sour  prescription  may  not  be  amiss  at  times 
for  some  persons;  but  the  "sensitive"  South  declines  to 
take  corrosive  acid.  The  proper  tonic  treatment  of  the 
South's  ills  is  the  scientific  study  of  the  negro  question 
by  men  that  are  duly  qualified  and  who  are  trusted  by 
the  Southern  people.  Perhaps  the  greatest  danger  in  the 
treatment  of  Southern  troubles  is  not  the  old  slogans, 
but  rather  such  deadly  formulas  as  these:  "There  is  no 
race  question";  "The  question  will  settle  itself";  "We 
must  leave  it  all  to  Providence" ;  "The  American  people 
are  not  ready  to  study  the  race  question";  "The  study 
will  disturb  economic  conditions" ;  "You  can't  study  race- 
prejudice  scientifically";  "Things  are  getting  better"; 
"Look  at  the  progress  of  the  South, — or  the  negro" ; 
"Christianity  will  solve  the  race  problem";  "Education 
will  solve  the  race  problem,"  and  so  forth.  These  are 
now  the  formulas  that  threaten  our  undoing.  We  advo 
cate  publicity  and  scientific  study  of  all  other  questions; 
for  how  can  we  dissolve  the  "zones  of  silence"  that  sur 
round  the  race  question  except  by  means  of  investiga 
tion  that  has  the  motive  of  humanitarianism  and  the 
method  of  science? 


III.     PHILANTHROPIC 
"UNCLE  TOM'S  CABIN"  SIXTY  YEARS  AFTER 

The  hundredth  anniversary  of  Mrs.  Stowe's  birth  oc 
curred  on  June  14,  1912;  the  sixtieth  anniversary  of  the 
publication  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  was  in  March,  1912. 
As  a  student  of  the  negro  problem  for  ten  years  I  sud 
denly  awoke  to  the  fact  that,  though  I  had  read  all  man 
ner  of  treatises  and  some  fiction  connected  with  slavery 
and  racial  questions,  I  had  not  read  "Uncle  Tom's 
Cabin,"  a  book  often  regarded  as  of  epochal  significance. 
And  why?  Because  I  had  associated  the  book  with  con 
troversy  and  fierce  passions,  and  had  been  brought  up 
to  regard  it  as  an  exaggerated  and  unfair  picture  of 
Southern  conditions  before  the  war  between  the  sec 
tions.  It  occurred  to  me,  however,  at  this  time,  that  I 
must  no  longer  neglect  what  seemed  clearly  a  duty  in 
the  case  of  one  who  was  unwilling  to  pass  over  any 
significant  contribution  to  a  better  historical  understand 
ing  of  the  difficult  problem  that  I  had  been  studying  so 
assiduously.  So  I  overcame  my  repugnance  to  the  book, 
a  dislike  not  so  much  to  what  I  knew  of  the  book  as  to 
the  unpleasant  associations  connected  with  it.  I  am 
therefore  here  setting  down  the  results  of  my  analysis 
of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  without  expressing  an  opinion 
on  its  literary  form  or  of  its  influence  on  the  world  at 
the  time  of  its  publication. 

What  value  has  the  book  for  us  to-day,  and  are  the 
issues  raised  in  it  vital  for  us  at  the  present  moment  ? 

170 


"(Uncle  Com'0  Ca&fn"  171 

I  shall  presuppose  the  reader's  general  acquaintance 
with  the  story,  but  shall  nevertheless  so  express  my  ana 
lytical  results  that  their  bearing  on  the  negro  problem 
of  to-day  need  not  be  prejudiced  by  the  reader's  lack  of 
familiarity  with  the  book.  The  page  references  are  to 
the  Everyman's  Library  edition. 

In  order  to  clear  the  way  for  an  appreciation  of  the 
suggestive  lessons  of  the  book  I  shall  begin  with  some 
aspects  of  it  that  seem  most  open  to  criticism.  One  is 
astonished  to  note  how  possible  it  is  for  an  author  to  take 
true  incidents,  to  write  from  a  dispassionate  and  hu 
manitarian  point  of  view,  and  yet  to  produce  an  im 
pression  that  produced  enthusiastic  praise  from  one  side 
and  fierce  denunciation  from  the  other.  I  think  that  we 
may  assume  that  both  the  praise  and  the  denunciation 
were  sincere,  that  the  authoress  thought  she  was  drawing 
the  thing  as  she  saw,  and  believed  that  she  saw  it  as  it 
was;  and  that  the  main  message  of  her  book  may  be 
as  useful  for  us  sixty  years  after  as  it  was  on  its  first 
publication  to  the  opponents  of  slavery. 


CRITICISM 

We  must  be  wary  in  our  criticism  of  a  book  that  has 
been  translated  into  French,  Italian,  Spanish,  Swedish, 
Dutch,  Flemish,  German,  Polish,  Magyar,  Welsh,  Ar 
menian,  Illyrian,  Finnish,  Modern  Greek,  and  Portu 
guese.  And  when  a  million  copies  of  a  book  were  sold 
in  a  foreign  country  (England)  in  one  year  (1852),  we 
may  well  be  careful  how  we  judge  harshly  something 
that  has  gained  the  suffrages  of  the  human  race.  How 
ever,  1852  and  1912  are  further  apart  in  reality  than 
the  sixty  years  would  seem  to  indicate,  and  we  may 


172       Kace  2Dttl)oDo*p  in  tfte  8>out& 

hope  that  our  criticism  will  be  practically  free  from 
prejudice  and  emotional  disturbance.  Just  because  the 
book  was  so  popular  and  had  so  much  influence  on  the 
minds — and  perhaps  the  muscles — of  men,  we  must  not 
shirk  our  duty  of  impartially  estimating  its  significance. 

i.  Untypical  Incidents  Treated  as  Typical. — This  is, 
of  course,  the  stock  criticism.  That  the  authoress  her 
self  meant  the  reader  to  regard  even  the  extremest  cases 
of  cruelty  as  being  typical  of  slavery  in  the  South,  and 
that  she  meant  the  darkest  shadows  in  her  picture  to 
hold  the  center  of  the  reader's  attention,  may  be  judged 
from  the  following  quotation  from  her  preface :  "The 
object  of  these  sketches  is  to  awaken  sympathy  and  feel 
ing  for  the  African  race,  as  they  exist  among  us;  to 
show  their  wrongs  and  sorrows,  under  a  system  so 
necessarily  cruel  and  unjust  as  to  defeat  and  do  away 
the  good  effects  of  all  that  can  be  attempted  for  them, 
by  their  best  friends,  under  it.  In  doing  this  the  author 
can  sincerely  disclaim  any  invidious  feeling  toward  those 
individuals  who,  often  without  any  fault  of  their  own, 
are  involved  in  the  trials  and  embarrassments  of  the 
legal  relations  of  slavery. 

"Experience  has  shown  that  some  of  the  noblest  of 
minds  and  hearts  are  often  thus  involved;  and  no  one 
knows  better  than  they  do  that  what  may  be  gathered 
of  the  evils  of  slavery  from  sketches  like  these  is  not 
the  half  that  could  be  told  of  the  unspeakable  whole. 

"In  the  Northern  states  these  representations  may, 
perhaps,  be  thought  caricatures;  in  the  Southern  states 
are  witnesses  who  know  their  fidelity.  What  personal 
knowledge  the  author  has  had  of  the  truth  of  incidents 
such  as  are  here  related  will  appear  in  due  time."  (xi.) 

Thus  the  reader  is  led  to  feel  that  there  is  an  "unspeak 
able  whole'*  that  even  the  dramatic  powers  of  a  novel 


"ftJmle  Corn's  Cabin"  173 

cannot  portray;  although  there  are  "individuals"  that  are 
"embarrassed"  by  the  institution  of  slavery,  the  real 
"witnesses"  of  the  atrocities  are  in  the  South.  I  am 
quite  willing  to  believe  that  Mrs.  Stowe  believed  every 
thing  she  wrote  in  the  above  passage.  Allow  me,  how 
ever,  to  contrast  the  impression  she  strives  to  give  of 
the  typicality  of  her  gruesome  stories  of  slavery  with  one 
of  the  true  stories  of  my  boyhood's  traditions  of  things 
that  happened  "before  the  war." 

Dr.  hears  a  timid  knocking  at  his  office  door. 

When  he  opens  for  the  supposed  patient  he  finds  a 
cringing  negro  who  asks  for  medical  attention.  The 
doctor  says:  "What  is  the  matter  with  you?"  The 
negro  replies:  "Ah's  been  w'ipped,  mossa;  Ah  cain't 
tek  off  my  coat."  After  removing  the  poor  creature's 
clothes  from  his  back  the  doctor  finds  the  slave's  back  a 
mass  of  cicatricized  lacerations,  layer  upon  layer.  He 
quickly  ministers  to  the  wretched  creature,  has  him  put 
in  the  negro  quarters  of  the  physician's  own  home,  and 
calls  a  meeting  of  prominent  slave-owners.  The  meet 
ing  appoints  a  committee  to  have  the  miscreant  whipper 
arrested  and  prosecuted  with  all  possible  rigor.  This 
man,  however,  finding  out  what  degree  of  horror  has  been 
aroused  in  the  community  (in  the  "low  country"  of 
South  Carolina),  flees  the  country  and  is  never  heard  of 
again.  It  is  natural  that  thousands  of  Southerners  who 
know  little  of  cases  of  atrocity  such  as  those  perpe 
trated  by  Mrs.  Stowe's  Legree  should  feel  that  her  pic 
ture  of  the  times  of  slavery  has  not  been  drawn  true 
to  life.  However,  Mrs.  Stowe  wrote  for  the  purpose 
of  arousing  sympathy,  and  might  well  have  replied  that 
those  who  painted  pictures  in  the  dim  light  of  the  pyra 
mids  of  Egypt  needed  to  make  the  colors  bright  and 
garish.  And  yet,  even  now,  the  world  needs  to  know, 


i?4       Kace  fi)tt|)o0ory  in  tbe 

sooner  or  later,  that  "Southern  atrocities"  of  the  times 
of  slavery  were  no  more  typical  than  the  burnings  of 
negroes  at  the  stake  to-day.  We  do  not  judge  a  civiliza 
tion  by  its  perverts,  its  exceptional  criminals,  its  occa 
sional  orgies  of  maddened  mobs,  and  the  like. 

Says  our  author  (p.  433)  :  "The  separate  incidents 
that  compose  the  narrative  are  to  a  very  great  extent 
authentic,  occurring,  many  of  them,  either  under  her  own 
observation  or  that  of  her  personal  friends."  Even  so; 
but  "separate  incidents"  may  be  very  untypical,  without 
attention  being  called  to  the  fact.  In  spite  of  this,  how 
ever,  it  is  true  that  slavery  opened  the  door  to  all  sorts 
of  atrocious  possibilities,  and  surely  Mrs.  Stowe  is  to  be 
pardoned,  especially  when  she  is  avowedly  writing  for 
the  purpose  of  arousing  sympathy  for  the  slaves,  and 
knows  how  hard  it  is  to  break  through  moral  lethargy, 
even  if  she  had  given  samples  of  what  might  occur  under 
slavery  as  well  as  of  what  did  occur.  The  analogous 
remark  might  be  made  with  regard  to  the  status  of  the 
negro  in  the  South  to-day.  Even  a  very  few  lynchings 
are  symptomatic  of  a  condition  that  ought  not  to  be 
allowed  to  obtain.  Whatever  the  cause  of  savagery  in 
civilized  communities,  it  ought  to  be  investigated,  and, 
if  possible,  removed.  It  is  not  enough  to  hold  up  bru 
tality  and  mob  madness  to  reprehension,  nor  even  to 
make  sure  of  convicting  individual  offenders :  these 
things  are  but  symptoms  of  a  trouble  whose  causes  lie 
deeper  and  the  remedies  for  which  may  be  correspond 
ingly  drastic.  If  one  case  of  burning  at  the  stake  of 
even  the  most  demoniacal  criminal  occurred  in  England, 
the  whole  British  Empire  would  insist  on  something 
more  than  the  prosecution  of  the  ring-leaders  of  a  mob. 
Hence  the  naive  suggestion  by  an  English  paper  re 
cently  that  President  Wilson  should  put  a  stop  to  lynch- 


"Oncle  Com'0  Ca&fn"  175 

ings.  Mrs.  Stowe  knew  that  the  deep  inward  injustice 
of  a  system  often  showed  itself  best  in  exceptional  cases, 
and  hence  she  took  the  artist's  privilege  of  making  her 
picture  as  effective  for  her  purpose  as  possible.  When 
she  is  told  that  slavery  is  mild  in  Kentucky  (p.  16)  and 
yet  finds  terrible  cruelties  perpetrated  occasionally  she  is 
hardly  to  be  blamed  for  believing  that  worse  things  may 
happen  on  the  great  cotton  plantations  of  Mississippi. 
If  she  knows  a  case  of  a  refined  white  lady  herself 
using  the  whip  on  a  negro  in  the  enlightened  city  of 
New  Orleans,  what  must  she  infer  as  to  what  might 
happen  in  the  out-of-the-way  places  of  the  South?  If 
the  weapons  of  oppression  or  the  incitements  to  the  un 
checked  display  of  temper  are  put  into  the  hands  of 
human  beings,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  such  persons  will  be 
dehumanized  to  some  extent,  and  that  the  public  opinion 
of  the  higher  minds  will  not  be  able  to  leaven  the  lump 
altogether.  Nor  must  we  overlook  the  fact  that  Mrs. 
Stowe  opposes  the  thoughtful  St.  Clare  type  to  the  callous 
Haley  type,  and  that  she  depicts  a  humane  Mrs.  Shelby 
as  well  as  a  weak  and  selfish  Mrs.  St.  Clare.  I  think 
that  we  are  safe  in  saying  that  the  book  strives  to  point 
out  the  terrible  possibilities  in  slavery:  and  it  succeeds 
in  doing  that. 

One  mistake  made  by  Mrs.  Stowe  needs  mention  be 
cause  it  is  still  current,  namely,  that  of  confounding  racial 
with  social  relationships.  She  compares  the  escaping 
slave  George  with  a  Hungarian  patriot  (p.  201),  and 
(p.  148)  she  contrasts  the  refined  little  white  girl,  Eva, 
with  the  hoodlumesque  little  negro  girl,  the  celebrated 
Topsy.  It  is  entirely  allowable  to  sympathize  with  the 
escaping  slave;  but  his  case  is  decidedly  not  like  that 
of  the  escaping  patriot.  Nor  is  the  difference  between 
Topsy  and  Eva  a  merely  social  difference.  Had  Topsy 


176       ftace  2Prt{)QU02p  in  tfte 

been  the  refined  child  and  Eva  a  little  white  savage,  most 
of  the  white  people  of  earth  would  still  prefer  Eva.  In 
deed,  just  as  a  mother  particularly  cherishes  her  maimed 
or  otherwise  afflicted  child,  so  the  average  man  of  racial 
conscience  is  inclined  to  stand  up  for  his  weak  and  worth 
less  brother.  Racial  representativeness  is  a  very  dif 
ferent  thing  from  difference  of  social  status.  No  one 
can  come  within  shouting  distance  of  the  real  negro 
problem  who  does  not  appreciate  this  distinction.  In 
deed,  almost  everything  critical  that  can  be  alleged 
against  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  springs  from  the  failure 
of  its  humanitarian  authoress  to  sympathize  with  race 
consciousness  as  such.  To  blame  her  for  this  failure 
would  be  absurd.  Only  now  are  the  people  of  the 
North,  through  contact  with  the  negro,  beginning  to 
understand  that  the  caste  of  the  kin  in  the  South  is  not 
simply  a  difference  of  social  or  other  accidental  status, 
but  is  based  on  the  ultimate  meaning  of  biological  kin 
ship,  with  its  presupposition  of  intermarriage  among  the 
racially  akin  and  its  taboo  of  amalgamation. 

2.  Offending  Racial  Sensibility. — 'The  last  remark 
introduces  us  to  another  criticism  of  the  story.  When 
(p.  143)  a  white  child  is  represented  as  throwing  her 
arms  around  a  little  mulatto  boy  and  kissing  him  the 
possibility  of  strong  Southern  sympathy  for  the  book  is 
done  away  with,  even  now.  One  such  passage  speaks 
eloquently  for  what  is  execrated  at  the  South  as  the 
encouragement  of  interracial  "social  equality,"  but 
which,  perhaps,  had  better  be  called  the  right  of  social 
communion.  It  is  a  manifest  absurdity  to  assert  that 
every  white  man,  no  matter  how  low  he  is,  has  neverthe 
less  an  intrinsic  value  above  that  of  every  negro,  no  mat 
ter  how  high  his  character  is.  But  racial  solidarity  de 
mands  that  the  low  white  man  should  have  a  represen- 


"Sltule  Corn's  Cabin"  177 

tative  value  quite  apart  from  his  intrinsic  character ;  and 
every  attempt  so  to  portray  the  social  communion  be 
tween  whites  and  blacks  as  to  confound  this  distinction 
of  representativeness  is  to  alienate  the  Southern  reader 
from  the  book  and  the  noble-hearted  writer  of  it.  We 
are  emphatically  members  one  of  another,  and  not  the 
least  so  in  racial  matters.  Even  in  halcyon  apostolic 
days  in  the  Christian  church  minor  racial  differences  had 
to  be  considered  in  social  life,  and  the  apostolic  con 
cordat  did  not  prevent  the  Christian  church  from  di 
viding  on  national  lines  that  were  as  nothing  in  com 
parison  with  the  racial  differences  between  whites  and 
negroes. 

When  the  little  Southern  girl,  Eva,  is  represented  as 
kissing  her  old  black  mammy  (p.  168),  Southerners 
know  that  there  is  no  implication  of  "social  equality" 
in  the  child's  affection,  if  the  representation  be  true  to 
life.  Eva  would  have  kissed  her  kitten  or  hugged  the 
Newfoundland  dog  with  the  same  kind  of  "petting" 
affection.  But  the  real  little  Evas  of  the  South  would 
not  have  tolerated  any  "equality"  liberties  on  the  part 
of  black  mammies. 

On  page  114,  where  the  "rich  dark  eye"  of  the  mu 
latto  is  spoken  of,  we  have  an  instance  of  unintended 
affront  to  the  sensibilities  of  the  South.  No  one  doubts 
the  existence  of  beauty  in  races  other  than  the  white 
race.  But  the  little  touch  reveals  the  tendency  on  Mrs. 
Stowe's  part  to  adopt  an  abstract  humanitarianism  that 
instinct  tells  the  Southern  white  man  will  sooner  or 
later  tend  to  break  down  all  distinctions  between  the 
races.  There  are  some  truths  not  to  be  told,  some  ap 
preciations  of  beauty  that  are  out  of  place,  some  ex 
hibitions  of  goodness,  even,  that  are  impertinent  under 
certain  circumstances.  Fancy  a  mulatto  reading  about 


178       Bate  2>rtt)oDo*p  in  tt)e 

the  "beauty"  of  a  Caucasian-African  mixture!  Then, 
too,  sad  experience  shows  that  there  are  types  of  white 
men  and  women  that  are  strongly  attracted  by  what  is 
unusual  in  physical  attractiveness;  such  expressions  as 
that  to  which  I  have  referred  have  a  subtle  influence 
that  can  lead  to  no  good.  If  the  mixed  type  occurs  in 
Central  Africa,  there  may  be  no  harm  in  telling  of  its 
"beauty" — but  so  greatly  do  circumstances  alter  cases 
that  what  on  the  surface  seems  to  be  liberal  aesthetic 
humanitarianism  may  be  easily  construed  into  racial  dis 
loyalty  and  a  belief  in  amalgamation. 

Some  would  say  that  these  matters  should  not  be 
discussed.  I  think,  however,  that  overmuch  reticence 
has  already  muddied  the  waters  of  the  negro  problem. 
Mrs.  Stowe  herself  would  probably  have  abhorred  the 
idea  of  amalgamation :  she  evidently,  as  in  "Uncle  Tom's 
Cabin"  itself  (preface  and  elsewhere),  hopes  to  see  the 
negro  colonized  in  Africa;  nevertheless,  in  her  abstract 
human  charity,  she  fails  to  command  the  sympathy  of 
those  who  would  otherwise  have  appreciated  such  a  noble 
plea  as  this :  "To  you,  generous,  noble-minded  men  and 
women  of  the  South — you  whose  virtue  and  magnanim 
ity  and  purity  of  character  are  the  greater  for  the  severer 
trial  it  has  encountered — to  you  is  her  (the  author's) 
appeal.  Have  you  not,  in  your  own  secret  souls,  in  your 
own  private  conversings,  felt  that  there  are  woes  and 
evils  in  this  accursed  system  far  beyond  what  are  here 
shadowed,  or  can  be  shadowed?  Can  it  be  otherwise? 
Is  man  ever  a  creature  to  be  trusted  with  wholly  irre 
sponsible  power?  And  does  not  the  slave  system,  by 
denying  the  slave  all  legal  right  of  testimony,  make  every 
individual  owner  an  irresponsible  despot?  Can  anybody 
fail  to  make  the  inference  what  the  practical  result  will 
be?  If  there  is,  as  we  admit,  a  public  sentiment  among 


"(Uncle  Corn's  CaWn"  179 

you,  men  of  honor,  justice  and  humanity,  is  there  not 
also  another  kind  of  public  sentiment  among  the  ruffian, 
the  brutal  and  debased  ?  And  cannot  the  ruffian,  the  bru 
tal,  the  debased,  by  slave  law,  own  just  as  many  slaves 
as  the  best  and  purest?  Are  the  honorable,  the  just, 
the  high-minded  and  compassionate  the  majority  any 
where  in  this  world  ?" 

3.  Idealization  of  the  Negro. — Necessarily  the  book 
makes  the  most  of  the  negro's  supposedly  more  attrac 
tive  traits.  However  much  we  may  want  to  see  justice 
done  to  human  beings,  our  sympathies  are  hard  to  arouse 
unless  the  victims  of  a  bad  system  have  some  heroic  or 
some  amiable  characteristics.  Nor  would  we  for  a  mo 
ment  assert  that  negroes  now  or  during  the  times  of 
slavery  are  to  be  regarded  as  destitute  of  such  traits. 
But  it  is  hard  for  us  nowadays  to  think  of  the  "gentle 
domestic  heart"  as  a  primary  trait  of  the  average  negro 
(99).  Their  "instinctive  affections"  ( 101 )  may  be  strong, 
but  one  of  the  contemporary  criticisms  of  the  negro  is 
the  facility  with  which  many  of  the  race  seem  to  neglect 
their  own  "flesh  and  blood"  kinsfolk.  It  is  hard  to 
believe  that  so  many  negroes  of  roving  disposition  and 
feeble  affection  for  home  should  be  the  descendants  of 
a  race  whose  love  of  family  life  was  so  "peculiarly 
strong"  (101).  Perhaps  the  degeneration  of  to-day 
may  be  due  to  powerful  causes  that  did  not  operate 
under  slavery,  or  did  slavery  rather  suddenly  succeed 
in  suppressing  the  negro's  evil  tendencies?  The  same 
kind  of  criticism  may  be  passed  on  the  ascription  to  the 
negro  (as  a  race)  of  love  of  beauty  (183),  talent  for 
cooking  (209),  religious  docility  (391).  Some  of  these 
supposed  traits  we  shall  discuss  in  another  section:  it 
is  enough  here  to  say  that  it  is  unlikely  that  Mrs.  Stowe's 
knowledge  of  negro  character  was  large  enough  to  jus- 


i8o       Kate  fl)rtj)oDoip  in  tfte 

tify  her  characterization  of  the  negroes  in  these  re 
spects.  We  must  remember,  however,  with  respect  to 
her  tentative  prophecy  (183)  that  the  negro  will  pro 
duce  new  arts,  etc.,  she  is  careful  to  say  "perhaps," 
and  even  then  she  locates  this  flowering  of  the  negro 
race  in  Africa,  where  "the  negro  race,  no  longer  des 
pised  and  trodden  down,  will,  perhaps,  show  forth  some 
of  the  latest  and  most  magnificent  revelations  of  human 
life."  Would  Mrs.  Stowe  be  able  to  write  such  words 
to-day?  I  doubt  it:  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  her 
optimistic  glow  would  tone  down  into  a  prophecy  nearer 
akin  to  the  Booker  Washington  industrial,  money-mak 
ing  kind  of  negro  heaven. 

But  listen  to  this  further  prophecy,  which  now  sounds 
pathetic:  "Certainly  they  will  (succeed),  in  their  gentle 
ness,  their  lowly  docility  of  heart,  their  aptitude  to 
repose  on  a  superior  mind  and  rest  on  a  higher  power, 
their  childlike  simplicity  of  affection  and  facility  of 
forgiveness.  In  all  these  they  will  exhibit  the  highest 
form  of  the  peculiarly  Christian  life,  and,  perhaps,  as 
God  chasteneth  whom  He  loveth,  He  hath  chosen  poor 
Africa  in  the  furnace  of  affliction,  to  make  her  the  high 
est  and  noblest  in  that  kingdom  which  He  will  set  up 
when  every  other  kingdom  has  been  tried  and  failed: 
for  the  first  shall  be  last,  and  the  last  first."  "Perhaps" 
all  this  will  happen  in  Africa,  when  the  negroes  have 
come  to  their  own:  if  there  is  the  slightest  chance  for 
such  a  development  the  lingering  of  the  negro  in  this 
land  of  the  free  and  home  of  the  brave  seems  to  be  a 
direful  tragedy,  for  I  for  one  can  see  no  sign  of  this 
peculiarly  Christian  character  developing  in  any  con 
siderable  section  of  the  Southern  negroes.  "Perhaps" 
the  American  negroes  will  do  better  in  Africa  than  they 


"ejttcle  Com'0  Cabin"  181 

are  doing  here,  and  much  better  than  the  "civilized" 
native  African  Christians. 

One  thing,  however,  about  Mrs.  Stowe's  pathetic  hopes 
we  must  sympathize  with :  her  belief  in  the  possibilities 
of  human  nature.  Japan  was  regarded  not  very  long 
ago  as  destined  to  take  a  rather  humble  rank  among  the 
nations,  and  no  one  dreamed  even  ten  years  ago  that 
China  would  become  a  republic.  Those  cocksure  indi 
viduals  who  condemn  the  negro  race  to  perpetual  servile 
spiritual  tutelage  are  further  from  the  truth,  "perhaps," 
than  the  idealistic  authoress  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin." 
Let  us,  at  any  rate,  rejoice  in  Mrs.  Stowe's  moral  hope 
fulness,  and  realize  that  her  idealization  of  the  negro, 
her  failure  to  understand  racial  solidarity,  her  wrong  per 
spective  with  regard  to  the  actual  working  of  slavery  in 
the  South,  were  inevitable  under  the  circumstances,  as 
inevitable  as  was  the  resentment  that  her  negrophilism 
kindled  in  the  South.  We  shall  never  get  far  in  any  sort 
of  study  of  the  negro  question  until  we  realize  that 
charity  means  clarity  when  its  tolerance  is  discriminating 
rather  than  merely  sentimental. 


THE   POINT   OF   VIEW 

Northern  vs.  Southern. — Mrs.  Stowe's  notable  ef 
fort  to  be  fair,  as  seen  in  her  portrayal  of  the  attitudes 
of  St.  Clare,  the  Southern  slave-owner,  and  Miss  Ophe 
lia,  the  Northern  philanthropist,  has  not  received  the 
credit  due  it.  And  the  gist  of  this  contrast  is  in  principle 
as  true  to-day  as  it  was  sixty  years  ago.  Let  us  con 
sider  several  instances  of  where  the  Southern  attitude 
is  contrasted  with  the  Northern. 

( i.)    Miss  Ophelia :  "I  think  you  slaveholders  have  an 


1 82        Uacc  Dtt&odon?  in  tfte 

awful  responsibility  upon  you.  I  wouldn't  have  it  for  a 
thousand  worlds.  You  ought  to  educate  your  slaves 
and  treat  them  like  reasonable  creatures  that  you've  got 
to  stand  before  the  bar  of  God  with.  That's  my  mind." 
St.  Clare :  "Oh,  come,  come !  What  do  you  know  about 
us?  .  .  .  Well,  now,  cousin,  you've  given  us  a  good 
talk,  and  done  your  duty ;  on  the  whole,  I  think  the  better 
of  you  for  it.  I  make  no  manner  of  doubt  that  you 
threw  a  very  diamond  of  truth  at  me,  though  you  see  it 
hit  me  so  directly  in  the  face  that  it  wasn't  exactly  ap 
preciated  at  first."  (P.  1 80.) 

Even  so  to-day,  when  Southerners  wince  because  of 
being  hit  with  "diamonds  of  truth,"  it  is  not  surprising 
that  the  rankling  pain  prevents  due  appreciation  of  the 
diamond's  beauty.  When  Northerners  come  South,  enter 
fully  into  the  difficulties  of  the  situation,  do  nothing  to 
encourage  social  communion  between  the  races,  sympa 
thize  with  the  white  man's  view  of  the  representative 
ness  of  race,  realize  the  danger  of  putting  whites  and 
blacks  into  competition  with  one  another;  but  neverthe 
less  treats  the  negroes  as  if  they  were  reasonable  souls 
and  immortal  creatures,  and  strives  to  have  them  edu 
cated  in  a  way  that  will  not  unduly  complicate  an  already 
intricate  situation; — then  the  diamonds  of  truth  will 
sparkle  peacefully  before  the  eyes  of  the  South,  and 
resentment  on  the  part  of  the  better  classes,  at  least, 
will  be  conspicuously  lacking.  Whenever  even  the  most 
radical  Southerners  can  come  to  see  that  the  "enlight 
ened"  treatment  of  the  negroes  will  not  have  the  effect 
of  putting  aside  the  Southern  contention  for  the  repre 
sentative  superiority  in  status  of  every  white  man  over 
every  negro,  opposition  to  negro  education  and  the  more 
humane  treatment  of  the  colored  race  will  cease.  In  my 
paper  on  Education  and  Equality  and  elsewhere  I  dis- 


"Olncle  Com'*  Cabin"  183 

cuss  some  of  the  troublesome  points  in  this  connection. 

(2)  When  Miss  Ophelia  discovers  Eva  perched  on 
Uncle  Tom's  knee  and  hanging  a  garland  of  flowers 
around  his  neck,  she  exclaims  in  horror :  "How  can  you 
let  her?  ...  it  seems  so  dreadful!"  St.  Clare  says: 
"You  would  think  no  harm  in  a  child's  caressing  a  large 
dog,  even  if  he  was  black ;  but  a  creature  that  can  think, 
and  reason,  and  feel,  and  is  immortal,  you  shudder  at: 
confess  it,  cousin.  I  know  the  feeling  among  some  of 
you  Northerners  well  enough.  Not  that  there  is  a  par 
ticle  of  virtue  in  our  not  having  it;  but  custom  with  us 
does  what  Christianity  ought  to  do — obliterates  the  feel 
ing  of  personal  prejudice.  I  have  often  noticed,  in  my 
travels  North,  how  much  stronger  this  was  with  you  than 
with  us.  You  loathe  them  as  you  would  a  snake  or  a 
toad,  yet  you  are  indignant  at  their  wrongs.  You  would 
not  have  them  abused,  but  you  don't  want  to  have  any 
thing  to  do  with  them  yourselves.  You  would  send  them 
to  Africa,  out  of  your  sight  and  smell,  and  then  send  a 
missionary  or  two  to  do  up  all  the  self-denial  of  elevat 
ing  them  compendiously."  (Pp.  181-2.) 

Is  this  passage  out  of  date  now,  has  it  lost  its  truth — 
and  its  sting?  Can  forced  and  unnatural  righteousness 
in  the  abstract  ever  be  appreciated  by  its — victims  ?  And 
yet  has  not  this  very  lack  of  loathing  felt  toward  the 
negro's  physical  make-up  caused  dire  consequences  at 
the  South?  Add  to  the  Southerner's  lack  of  aesthetic 
prejudice  against  the  negro  a  failure  on  the  part  of  some 
to  adhere  rigidly  to  the  caste  of  the  kin  and  the  creed 
of  racial  representativeness,  what  then  would  happen? 
Nowadays  Southerners,  having  less  to  do  with  negroes 
and  losing  the  old  ties  of  domestic  affection  toward  them, 
are  more  and  more  coming  to  feel  the  average  North 
erner's  distaste  toward  the  physical  proximity  of  negroes. 


1 84       Race  2Drtf)oDorp  in  tfte 

On  the  other  hand,  Northern  public  opinion  is  saying 
more  and  more,  "The  negro  problem  is  a  matter  for  the 
South  to  settle:  it  is  none  of  our  business."  Thus  the 
negro  is  in  danger  of  losing  both  his  abstract  Northern 
friends  and  his  concrete  Southern  friends !  As  a  promi 
nent  student  of  the  negro  question  put  it  to  me :  "We  are 
heartily  tired  of  the  negro  question  at  the  North."  And 
Southerners  are  constantly  confessing  their  growing 
aesthetic  dislike  of  any  sort  of  contact  with  the  negro. 
All  of  which  is  a  thing  to  be  thought  about  very  seri 
ously. 

(3)  St.  Clare:  "What  poor,  mean  trash  this  business 
of  human  virtue  is !  A  mere  matter,  for  the  most  part, 
of  latitude  and  longitude  and  geographical  position,  act 
ing  with  natural  temperament.  The  greater  part  is  noth 
ing  but  an  accident.  Your  father,  for  example,  settles 
in  Vermont,  in  a  town  where  all  are,  in  fact,  free  and 
equal;  becomes  a  regular  church  member  and  deacon, 
and  in  due  time  joins  an  Abolitionist  society  and  thinks 
us  all  little  better  than  heathens.  Yet  he  is,  for  all  the 
world,  in  constitution  and  habit,  a  duplicate  of  my  father. 
I  can  see  it  leaking  out  in  fifty  different  ways — just  that 
same  strong,  overbearing,  dominant  spirit.  You  know 
very  well  how  impossible  it  is  to  persuade  some  of  the 
folks  in  your  village  that  Squire  Sinclair  does  not  feel 
above  them.  The  fact  is,  though  he  has  fallen  on  demo 
cratic  times  and  embraced  a  democratic  theory,  he  is  to 
the  heart  an  aristocrat,  as  much  as  my  father,  who  ruled 
over  five  or  six  hundred  slaves.  .  .  .  Now  I  know  every 
word  you  are  going  to  say.  I  do  not  say  they  were  alike 
in  fact.  One  fell  into  a  condition  where  everything 
acted  against  the  natural  tendency,  and  the  other  where 
everything  acted  for  it;  and  so  one  turned  out  a  pretty 
wilful,  stout,  overbearing  old  democrat,  and  the  other  a 


"Oncle  Com'0  Cafiftt"  185 

wilful,  stout  old  despot.  If  both  had  owned  planta 
tions  in  Louisiana,  they  would  have  been  as  like  as  two 
old  bullets  cast  in  the  same  mold!" 

Even  in  the  matter  of  just  treatment  of  the  negro 
before  the  law,  the  country  is  beginning  to  find  that  in 
spite  of  better  facilities  for  protecting  negroes  at  the 
North,  and  in  spite  of  the  tradition  for  treating  them 
fairly,  Northern  officers  of  the  law  are  sometimes  unable 
or  unwilling  to  protect  negroes  from  mob  violence.  And 
Northern  discrimination  against  negroes  with  regard  to 
public  utilities  and  the  like  is  showing  a  "Southern" 
spirit;  while  labor  union  discrimination  is  far  worse  at 
the  North.  Then,  too,  it  is  notorious  how  violent  many 
Northerners  become  in  their  feelings  toward  the  negro 
race  when  their  residence  in  the  South  brings  them  into 
contact  with  the  race  whose  "rights"  they  have  been 
taught  to  respect.  St.  Clare  himself  brings  out  this  idea 
strongly  (314-5).  Southerners  can  now  say  to  the 
people  of  the  North  what  St.  Clare  said  to  Miss  Ophe 
lia  :  "We  are  the  more  obvious  oppressors  of  the  negro ; 
but  the  unchristian  prejudice  of  the  North  is  an  oppres 
sor  almost  equally  severe."  According  to  certain  negro 
leaders,  the  Northern  "economic"  oppression  bears  even 
more  heavily  on  the  negro,  especially  when  accompanied 
with  actual  social  "discrimination,"  than  does  the  South 
ern  drawing  of  the  "color  line,"  which  is  a  matter  of 
principle  at  the  South. 

Mrs.  Stowe  knew  that  "the  magic  of  the  real  presence 
of  distress,  the  imploring  human  eye,  the  frail,  trembling 
human  hand,  the  despairing  appeal  of  helpless  agony," 
work  as  truly  on  Southern  as  on  Northern  hearts,  and 
that  a  system  of  things  which  repressed  such  natural 
feelings  is  a  monstrosity  though  the  people  living  under 
such  a  system  are  not  only  far  from  being  monsters, 


1 86       Race  Dttibobosp  in  the 

but  at  bottom  may  be  better  human  beings  than  their 
more  fortunately  situated  critics. 

Think  to-day  of  the  growing  callousness  of  feeling 
at  the  North  with  regard  to  the  negro  situation  and 
realize  that  practically  nothing  has  been  done  for  the 
scientific  and  humanitarian  study  of  the  negro  question ; 
note  that  the  country  is  drifting,  with  the  eyes  of  the 
spirit  closely  shut,  thinking  only  of  present  profits,  with 
out  even  striving  to  look  ahead  and  ask  itself  what  the 
outcome  will  be.  Reflect  that  in  the  meanwhile  there 
is  practical  spiritual  slavery  still  in  our  land.  When 
one  thinks  on  these  things,  it  is  well  to  conclude  this 
section  with  Mrs.  Stowe's  indictment  of  the  North: 

"Do  you  say  that  the  people  of  the  free  states  have 
nothing  to  do  with  it,  and  can  do  nothing?  Would  to 
God  this  were  true!  But  it  is  not  true.  The  people  of 
the  free  states  have  defended,  encouraged  and  partici 
pated;  and  are  more  guilty  for  it  before  God  than  the 
South,  in  that  they  have  not  the  apology  of  education  or 
custom.  If  the  mothers  of  the  free  states  had  felt  as 
they  should  in  times  past,  the  sons  of  the  free  states 
would  not  have  been  the  holders,  and  proverbially  the 
hardest  masters,  of  slaves;  the  sons  of  the  free  states 
would  not  have  connived  at  the  extension  of  slavery 
in  our  national  body;  the  sons  of  the  free  states  would 
not,  as  they  do,  trade  the  souls  and  bodies  of  men  as  an 
equivalent  of  money  in  their  mercantile  dealings.  There 
are  multitudes  of  slaves  temporarily  owned  and  sold 
again  by  merchants  in  Northern  cities;  and  shall  the 
whole  guilt  or  obloquy  of  slavery  fall  only  on  the  South  ?" 

Now  slavery  is  gone  from  the  land,  and  no  one  wants 
it  back ;  but  Northern  "capital"  is  apparently  not  willing 
to  help  have  the  Southern  situation  studied  for  fear  that 
conditions  will  be  "unsettled,"  and  talks  as  if  the  situa- 


"Uncle  Com'0  Ca&iit"  187 

tion  would  "settle  itself" — as  if  such  questions  ever  did! 
When  conscientious  men  are  willing  to  allow  a  tragic 
moral  problem  to  remain  unstudied  for  fear  that  an 
economic  status  might  conceivably  be  interfered  with, 
they  show  forth  the  same  sort  of  moral  blindness  as  was 
evinced  by  the  Northern  merchants  that  Mrs.  Stowe 
upbraided. 

When  Southerners  complacently  declare  that  the 
North  has  at  last  turned  the  negro  question  over  to  the 
South,  they  forget  that  the  problem  is  national  even  if 
it  were  only  Southern,  and  that  the  time  has  come  for 
the  South  to  ask  the  cooperation  of  the  whole  world  in 
the  study,  at  least,  of  what  profoundly  affects  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  enlightened  mankind.  If  the  South 
is  right  in  her  view  of  the  negro  question,  she  should 
want  the  whole  world  to  know  it;  if  conditions  should 
be  changed  in  the  interests  of  both  whites  and  blacks, 
the  South  should  aid  all  those  who  wish  to  put  an  end 
to  whatever  interferes  with  the  economic,  educational 
and  moral  deevlopment  of  the  South. 

THE    SOUTHERN    WHITE    MAN'S    POINT    OF 

VIEW 

It  is  doubtful  whether  anyone  has  ever  classified  con 
cretely  the  differing  viewpoints  of  the  Southern  whites 
with  respect  to  the  negro  as  well  as  Mrs.  Stowe  has  done 
in  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin."  I  shall  group  into  classes  some 
of  the  representative  views.  Of  course  such  classifica 
tions  are  only  for  the  sake  of  convenience.  The  same 
person  may  change  from  one  point  of  view  to  another, 
according  to  time,  mood  and  occasion;  besides  this,  all 
such  classifications  overlap  to  a  considerable  extent.  But 
the  important  point  is  this :  the  main  problem  connected 


1 88       Race  2Drtf)oDo*g  in  t&e  %>outft 

with  the  negro  remains  to-day,  in  spite  of  the  absence 
of  economic  slavery;  hence  the  views  of  the  dominant 
race,  being  ultimately  due  to  the  presence  of  the  negro, 
remain  substantially  what  they  were  sixty  years  ago. 

i.  "The  negro  is  a  wild  beast  and  needs  to  be  tamed 
so  that  he  will  show  submissive  docility  in  obeying  man's 
will." — Such  is  the  thesis  of  the  "Legree"  type,  not  a 
common  one  except  when  the  mob  spirit  is  aroused,  or 
when  some  negro  "atrocity"  makes  the  higher  classes  of 
whites  forget  that  the  beast-spirit  lurks  in  man  as  man 
everywhere,  and  that  the  white  race  has  its  full  allowance 
of  beastliness.  Legree's  brutality  seems  to  have  been  due 
largely  to  strong  drink  and  an  ignorant,  badly  balanced, 
superstitious  mind.  He  is  practically  the  only  real  rep 
resentative  of  his  type  in  the  book. 

2,.  "The  negro  is  human,  but  is  a  species  of  man  so 
different  from  the  whites  that  he  must  not  be  treated 
as  possessed  of  full  human  rights,  for  they  mean  nothing 
to  him." — Haley  and  his  friends  represent  this  type. 
Here  are  some  of  its  utterances,  which  one  can  hear  to 
day  on  all  sides:  "Honest  as  niggers  go.  .  .  ."  (10.) 
"These  critters  ain't  like  white  folks,  you  know;  they 
gets  over  things,  only  manage  right,  etc.  .  .  ."  (13.) 
"Niggers,  you  know,  that's  fetched  up  properly,  hain't 
no  kind  of  'spectations  of  no  kind;  so  all  these  things 
comes  easier.  ...  I  treat  niggers  just  as  well  as  it's 
ever  worth  while  to  treat  Jem."  (15.)  "Put  him  to 
hoeing  and  digging,  and  see  if  he'd  step  about  so  smart." 

(20.) 

3.  "Providence  has  designed  the  negro  to  be  a  ser 
vant  of  the  white  man,  and  servants  cannot  be  expected 
to  understand  the  higher  life  and  motives  of  the  higher 
social  classes." — Mrs.  St.  Clare  and,  to  some  extent,  Mr. 
Shelby  illustrate  this  type.  This  is  how  they  talk :  "We 


"(ancle  Com'0  Ca&in"  189 

can't  reason  from  our  feelings  to  those  of  this  class  of 
persons.  .  .  ."  (127.)  "I  hold  to  being  kind  to  ser 
vants — I  always  am ;  but  you  must  make  'em  know  their 
place/'  (173.)  "Mammie  couldn't  have  the  feelings 
that  I  should."  (178.)  "It's  a  pity  .  .  .  that  you  have 
burdened  them  with  morality  above  their  condition." 

(256.) 

With  the  growing  solidarity  of  race- feeling  this  type 
is  rapidly  becoming  assimilated  to  class  two,  before- 
mentioned,  that  regards  the  negro  as  specifically  different 
from  the  white  race,  and  therefore  not  to  be  treated  as 
fully  human. 

4.  "The  negro  is  an  inferior  race,  but  is  truly  and 
altogether  human,  and  deserves  to  be  treated  humanely 
under  all  circumstances  and  in  every  respect;  even  if  the 
negroes  were  only  animals,  it  would  be  our  duty  and 
privilege  to  be  kind  to  them." 

Let  me  give  a  few  illustrations  which  are  confined  to 
no  particular  social  class :  "Somehow  I  never  could  see 
no  kind  o'  critters  a-strivin'  and  pantin'  and  trying  to 
cl'ar  theirselves,  with  the  dogs  arter  'em,  and  go  agin 
'em.  Besides,  I  don't  see  no  kind  of  'casion  for  me  to 
be  hunter  and  catcher  for  other  folks,  neither."  (67.) 
(This  "poor,  heathenish  Kentuckian"  is  shame- faced  and 
apologetic  in  his  humaneness,  but  is  typical,  perhaps,  of 
the  deeper  heart  of  the  South  generally,  when  "politics" 
and  "social  equality"  are  not  concerned.)  ".  .  .  Treat 
'em  like  dogs  and  you'll  have  dogs'  works  and  dogs' 
actions."  (in.)  "The  Lord  made  'em  men,  and  it's  a 
hard  squeeze  getting  'em  down  into  beasts.  .  .  .  Better 
send  orders  up  to  the  Lord  to  make  you  a  set  (of  ne 
groes)  and  leave  out  their  souls  entirely."  (112.) 

5.  "The  negro  is  something  of  a  beast — a  little  more 
evidently  so  than  we  are,  something  of  a  child — and 


190       Race  Drti)0Do£p  in  tfce 

therefore  needing  correction:  something  of  a  savage — 
and  therefore  needing  civilization:  but  he  is  as  truly 
human  as  we  are;  we  are  responsible  for  him;  and 
something  could  be  done  to  alleviate  the  situation  if 
public  opinion  were  only  solidified  as  to  our  evident 
duty,  and  if  we  only  saw  a  way  out  of  our  perplexi 
ties." 

St.  Clare  is,  of  course,  the  representative  of  this  class, 
which  includes  those  with  race  conscience  who  neverthe 
less  understand  the  meaning  of  the  race-enmity  and  the 
mere  race-pride  of  other  types  among  the  whites.  St. 
Clare  holds  that,  although  the  negro  is  often  what  Mrs. 
St.  Clare  declares  him  to  be — -"provoking,  stupid,  care 
less,  unreasonable,  childish,  ungrateful" — in  large  meas 
ure  "we  have  made  them  what  they  are,  and  ought  to 
bear  with  them"  (177) ;  "that  if  we  were  in  their  place 
we  should  often,  even  with  our  'superior'  natures,  do  as 
they  do"  (234)  ;  that  more  ought  to  be  done  for  them, 
"but  one  man  can  do  nothing  against  the  whole  action 
of  a  community"  (272)  ;  that  education  is  a  dangerous 
expedient,  because  "education  frees,"  and  people  do  not 
submit  to  tutelage  after  they  are  full-grown. 

I  have  put  St.  Clare's  opinions  in  a  form  that  will 
make  them  apply  to  the  negro  problem  of  to-day,  and  I 
doubt  whether  any  dispassionate  man  is  prepared  to  criti 
cize  St.  Clare's  views  harshly.  He  saw  the  problem 
clearly,  and  through  him  Mrs.  Stowe  shows  her  abiding 
sympathy  with  the  better  Southern  view  of  the  negro 
problem.  But  for  her  apparent  approval  of  "social  equal 
ity"  in  the  case  of  the  Quaker  child's  treatment  of  the 
little  mulatto,  and  a  failure  to  see  the  full  implications 
of  the  representativeness  of  race  and  the  far-reaching 
possibilities  of  social  communion,  I  think  that  much  in 
Mrs.  Stowe's  book  might  easily  become  an  expression, 


"Otule  Corn's  Ca&in"  191 

especially  through  the  views  of  St.  Clare,  of  the  thinking 
South's  conscientious  bewilderment. 


THE  NEGRO'S  POINT  OF  VIEW 

Mrs.  Stowe,  naturally  enough,  does  not  represent  the 
negro's  attitude  as  fully  as  she  does  the  various  views  of 
the  whites.  And  it  is  to  be  expected  that  her  portrayal 
of  despairing  pessimism  among  the  colored  folk,  espe 
cially  those  of  mixed  blood,  should  be  stressed  more 
decidedly  than  any  other  aspect  of  the  negro's  feeling 
toward  his  status. 

1.  Racial  Solidarity. — There  are  a  few  such  expres 
sions  as  the  following,  which  are  typical  of  the  average 
black's  attitude:   "Him  as  tries  to  get  one  o'  our  people 
is  as  good  as  tryin'  to  get  all,  etc."  (81.)     "Don't  want 
none  o'  your  light-colored  balls,  cuttin'  'round,  makin' 
b'lieve  you's  white  folks.    Arter  all,  you's  niggers,  much 
as  I  am."  (219.) 

The  growing  "get-together"  of  the  white  people  has, 
of  course,  led  to  greater  solidarity  of  feeling  among  all 
those  who  have  any  negro  blood  in  their  veins ;  yet,  even 
now,  one  sees  social  lines  drawn  at  times  among  the 
negroes  apparently  according  to  the  degree  of  white  blood 
among  the  lighter-colored  folk. 

2.  The  Pessimistic  View.— "What's  the  use  of  liv 
ing,"  etc.  (23.) — "Ain't  no  use  in  niggers  havin'  noth- 
inV'   (102.)     "What  country  have  I  but  the  grave?" 
(115.)     "There  is  a  God  for  you,  but  is  there  any  for 
us?"  (121.)    The  mulatto  George  is  responsible  for  most 
of  these  expressions  of  untypical  pessimism;  but  I  am 
inclined  to  think — and  I  base  my  opinion  on  actual  knowl 
edge — that,  though  the  higher  orders  of  full-blooded  ne- 


192       Race  fi)rtl)oDo?p  in  tfte  South 

groes  are  not  as  a  rule  pessimistic,  many  of  them  feel 
keenly  at  times  the  hopelessness  of  the  outlook  for  their 
race,  so  far  as  fulness  of  life  in  the  future  is  concerned. 
The  average  negro  fails  to  appreciate  the  existence  of  a 
"problem,"  and  does  not  bother  himself  with  it,  even  if 
told  that  a  problem  exists :  nevertheless,  the  close  ob 
server  can  occasionally  catch  the  sound  of  a  sigh  or  a 
sob.  For  example,  one  among  a  number :  A  certain 
full-blooded  negro  woman,  educated,  refined,  the  prin 
cipal  of  a  large  negro  school  in  the  South,  made  this 
remark  to  one  of  my  teacher  friends  who  held  the  usual 
Southern  views  as  to  "social  equality"  and  the  like,  but 
who  was  incapable  of  betraying  confidence  :  "Mr.  Blank, 
you  see  that  girl  of  mine  playing  out  there  so  light- 
heartedly.  Well,  I  often  wish  that  she  had  never  been 
born,  though  she  is  a  good  child,  into  whose  life  no 
impurity  has  entered."  Nor  is  this  expression  unique. 
Negroes  are  proverbially  cautious  and  reticent  with  re 
gard  to  racial  secrets,  but  we  must  not  conclude  on  that 
account  that  they  cannot  and  do  not  enter  into  the  spirit 
of  Dr.  DuBois'  "Litany  of  Atlanta,"  which  is  one  of  the 
saddest  plaints  ever  written. 

With  the  development  of  a  worthy  minority  of  the 
negro  race  has  come  a  hopeful  outlook  toward  the  fu 
ture,  especially  because  of  the  belief  inculcated  by 
Booker  Washington  that  honest  and  trustworthy  skilled 
industry  will  somehow  ultimately  give  the  negro  all  he 
needs,  if  not  all  he  wants.  All  the  same,  not  a  few 
of  these  negro  leaders  are  but  whistling  to  keep  their 
courage  up. 

NEGRO    CHARACTER 

In  another  paper  I  have  given  a  slight  psychological 
account — or  sociological,  if  you  prefer  it — of  divers 


"(Uncle  €om'0  Cafiin"  193 

characteristics  imputed  to  the  negro  by  the  whites.  In 
that  short  and  inadequate  study  I  tried  to  show  that, 
according  to  average  white  opinion,  the  negro  is  pre 
vailingly  gregarious,  appropriative  and  expressive,  but  is 
lacking  in  responsiveness  (sympathy,  gratitude,  etc.), 
assertiveness  (resentment,  etc.)  and  perceptiveness  (dis 
interested  curiosity,  power  of  observation,  etc.).  It  will 
be  interesting  to  see  how  far  Mrs.  Stowe  agrees  in  her 
portrayal  of  negro  character  with  the  popular  Caucasian 
view  of  the  negro  in  the  South. 


NEGRO  CHARACTERISTICS 

i.  Sociological. — (i)  Appropriative. — There  are  no 
clear  indications  of  this  trait  that  I  can  find  in  the  book. 
The  nearest  approach  to  it  is  to  be  noted  in  the  charac 
ter  of  the  cunning  Sam,  who  had  a  "strict  lookout  to 
his  own  personal  wellbeing";  but  as  that  trait  is  asso 
ciated  by  Mrs.  Stowe  with  white  patriots  in  Washing 
ton  (supposedly  Congressmen),  we  are  not  justified,  I 
suppose,  in  using  this  allusion  as  an  illustration  of  ap- 
propriativeness !  The  cook,  Dinah,  is  said  to  be  "studi 
ous  of  her  ease,"  but  nothing  is  indicated  with  regard 
to  a  tendency  "just  to  take  things."  I  leave  it  to  the 
experienced  reader  to  determine  whether  the  trait  of 
appropriativeness  is  sufficiently  conspicuous  in  the  negro 
to  deserve  characterization  in  a  book  like  "Uncle  Tom's 
Cabin."  Perhaps  Mrs.  Stowe  was  incautious  when  she 
states  in  her  preface  that  negro  character  is  "essentially 
unlike"  that  of  the  "hard,  dominant  Anglo-Saxon  race." 

(2)  Gregariousness. — This  trait  is  taken  for  granted 
in  the  book  and  occasionally  specifically  touched  on: 
"And  so  much  did  his  prayer  (Uncle  Tom's)  always 


194       Race  £Drti)oDo*p  in  tbe  %>outi) 

work  on  the  devotional  feeling  of  his  audience  that  there 
seemed  often  a  danger  that  it  would  be  lost  altogether 
in  the  abundance  of  the  responses  which  broke  out  every 
where  around  him."  Perhaps  the  authoress  knew  of  the 
"carryings-on"  at  divers  white  camp-meetings,  North  and 
South,  and  hesitated  in  consequence  to  portray  excitable 
gregariousness  as  characteristic  of  negroes. 

(3)  Expressiveness. — Our  author  here  gives  many  il 
lustrations,  for  her  attention  was  of  course  struck  with 
the  picturesqueness  of  the  effusiveness  shown  by  some 
types  of  negroes.  Apart  from  general  references,  the 
following  examples  of  expressiveness  occur:  Mandy's 
"strutting"  (47)  ;  Sam's  "rolling  up  his  eyes  with  a 
volume  of  meaning"  (52);  the  bumptious  attempt  to 
use  big  words  and  the  ridiculous  misuse  or  mispronunci 
ation  of  them,  "bobservation,"  p.  55;  "collusetate,"  p. 
82)  ;  "I'll  speechify  these  niggers,  now  I've  got  a  chance. 
Lord,  I'll  reel  it  off  to  make  'em  stare!"  (80). 

Fertility  in  excuse-making  (210)  perhaps  belongs  un 
der  this  head,  for  it  is  usually  the  effusive  negroes  that 
are  facile  in  "explaining." 

As  to  perceptiveness,  assertiveness  and  responsiveness, 
Mrs.  Stowe  gives  us  few  data.  In  general  terms  she 
tells  us  that  negroes  are  responsive;  but  her  portrayal 
of  this  trait  can  nearly  always  be  interpreted  as  expres 
siveness  rather  than  sympathy.  Of  course  she  sets  forth 
Sam's  cunning  and  the  childish,  hoodlumesque  or  savage 
trickiness  of  other  negroes ;  but  we  have  little  indication 
that  she  regarded  the  negroes  as  observant,  except  in 
their  ability  to  note  social  facts — for  instance,  Mrs. 
Shelby's  influence  over  her  household  (50),  and  this 
trait  is  rather  the  product  of  gregarious  expressiveness 
whereby  negroes  often  "pool"  their  social  observations 
and  get  a  sort  of  social  generalization  that  they  all  fre- 


"(Uncle  Corn's  Ca&in"  195 

quently  act  upon.  The  "passing  of  the  word"  and  the 
"grapevine  telegraph"  are  phenomena  still  decidedly  in 
evidence. 

As  to  assertiveness,  there  is  no  sign  of  negro  revenge- 
fulness  in  the  book  except  of  the  humorous  kind.  But 
no  special  attention  is  called  to  the  negro's  lack  of  re- 
sentfulness. 

2.  Psychological  Traits. — Uncle  Tom's  observation 
(p.  33)  that  the  negro  children  are  "full  of  tickle"  is 
most  true  to  life.    The  organic  sensations  of  the  negro, 
including  the  sexual  sensations,  seem  to  be  greatly  de 
veloped.      His    imaginativeness,    "sensual    concretism," 
love  of  pleasure,  eagerness  for  excitement,  quick  emo 
tion,  and  so  on,   all  seem  connected  with  this   inside 
"ticklishness."     Apart  from  mentioning  Dinah's  inabil 
ity  to  be  helped  by  "systematic  regulation"  (211 ),  a  most 
significant  lack  and  possibly  one  connected  with  weak 
ness  of  development  of  the  associative  system  in  the 
brain,  nothing  further  is  given  us  of  a  definite  nature 
with  regard  to  the  negro's  psychological  traits. 

3.  Moral    Traits. — 'Apart    from    the    character    of 
Uncle  Tom,  whose  morality  is  essentially  religious,  we 
have  singularly  little  to  show  for  negro  morality.     For 
the  most  part,   Mrs.   Stowe  treats  negro  character  as 
childish  and  non-moral  rather  than  moral.    It  is  interest 
ing  in  this  connection  to  quote  the  following  paragraph 
that  is  true  to-day,  except  that  for  the  word  "master" 
we  need  to  soften  the  language  and  substitute  the  word 
"patron" :   "We  hear  often  of  the  distress  of  the  negro 
servants  on  the  loss  of  a  kind  master,  and  with  good 
reason;  for  no  creature  on  God's  earth  is  left  more  ut 
terly  unprotected  and  desolate  than  the  slave  in  these 
circumstances."      Much   of   the  negro's   attachment  to 
white  persons  has  a  sort  of  utilitarian  basis.     Many  of 


196       Race  £Drtf)otiorp  in  tbe 

them  are  adepts  at  making  use  of  white  people.  And 
sore  would  be  the  fate  of  many,  as  the  Atlanta  riot  and 
other  events  have  shown,  were  it  not  that  the  negro's 
"best  friend  is  the  Southern  white  man."  Of  course  the 
patron  class  among  the  whites  is  not  large,  and  is  prob 
ably  rapidly  decreasing;  but  we  still  hear  of  "Mr.  Blank's 
nigger,"  etc. 

II.  Servants'   Traits. — Some  of  Mrs.   Stowe's  best 
touches  in  delineating  negro  character  are  to  be  found 
in  the  traits  that  characterize  the  servant  class  generally 
at  certain  stages  of  their  development  rather  than  negro 
servants  in  particular;  nevertheless,  there  is  a  negroid 
tang  about  these  servants*  traits  that  is  hard  to  analyze. 
Here  are  a  few  of  the  characteristics  that  are  at  least 
as  much  "servant"  as  negro:    "Zealous  and  ready  offi- 
ciousness"  (p.  62).     "How  easy  white  folks  al'as  does 
things"  (p.  29).    "Our  folks"  (referring  to  her  owners, 
p.  30).    "I  can't  do  nothin'  with  ladies  in  the  kitchen"  (p. 
32).  "Mas'r  can't  be  'spected  to  be  a-pryin'  round  every- 
whar,  as  I've  done,  a-keepin'  up  all  the  ends.  The  boys  all 
mean  well,  but  they's  powerful  car'less.    That  ar  troubles 
me."     (Note  the  non-moral  weakness,  p.  61.)    As  to  the 
imitativeness,   wrong  use  of  big  words,  and  the  like, 
Shakespeare,   or  any  other  master  of   human  nature 
knowledge,  will  assure  us  that  the  negro  has  no  special 
claim  to  such  peculiarities. 

III.  Types:    The  Child,  the  Savage  and  the  Hood 
lum. — Mrs.  Stowe  of  course  makes  no  classifications  of 
types  and  attempts  no  exhaustive  treatment  of  negro 
character.     Indeed,  it  is  surprising  to  find  out  how  much 
she  has  brought  out  with  regard  to  typical  negro  traits 
when  one  considers  her  object  in  writing  and  her  limited 
acquaintance  with  the  negro.     I  acquit  her  of  all  respon 
sibility  for  the  heading  of  this  section.     But  I  think  that 
she  has  recognized  and  portrayed  the  three  types,  never- 


"SJncle  Com'0  Cafiin"  197 

theless — types  which  are  still  to  be  seen  among  the  ne 
groes,  and  without  understanding  of  which  the  psycho 
logical,  that  is  the  fundamental,  aspects  of  the  negro 
question  cannot  be  well  understood. 

1.  The  Childish  Type. — This  may  of  course  also  be 
hoodlum   or   savage.     I   must   once   more   remind   the 
reader  that  such  sociological  types  are  not  mutually  ex 
clusive. 

The  redoubtable  Sam  again  furnishes  us  with  an  illus 
tration  of  this  type,  for  Sam's  characteristics  are  "child 
like  and  bland"  rather  than  savage  or  hoodlum.  Says 
Sam,  after  he  had  been  guilty  of  a  characteristic  piece 
of  childish  cunning  and  mischief:  "Yer  oughter  seen 
how  mad  he  looked  when  I  brought  the  horse  up.  Lord, 
he'd  'a'  killed  me,  if  he  durs'  to;  and  there  I  was  a-stand- 
in'  as  innercent  and  as  humble."  Most  of  the  negro 
characters  are  of  the  childish  type. 

2.  The  Savage  Type. — Sambo  and  Quimbo  (344  ff.) 
are  the  principal  illustrations  of  this  type.    Legree,  the 
cruel  slave-driver,  had  found  them  well  suited  to  his 
purposes,  callous  enough  for  his  training.     Here  is  a 
specimen  of  Sambo's  savage  humor:    "Lord,  de  fun! 
To  see  him  stickin'   in  the  mud,   chasin'   and  tearin' 
through  de  bushes,  dogs  a-holdin'  on  to  him!    Lord,  I 
laughed  fit  to  split  dat  ar  time  we  kotched  Molly.     I 
thought  they'd  had  her  all  stripped  up  afore  I  could  get 
'em  off.     She  car's  de  marks  o'  dat  ar'  spree  yet"  (389.) 

3.  The  Hoodlum  Type. — The  classical  Topsy  that 
was  not  "made"  but  "grow'd"  is  the  best  type  of  hood 
lum  in  the  book.     Though  the  typical  hoodlum  "grows" 
in  the  town,  and  Topsy  is  supposedly  a  country  product, 
her  traits  are  such  as  would  have  found  a  congenial 
atmosphere  in  the  slums  of  a  great  city.     Many  of  us 
have  seen  the  type  among  the  negroes :   "The  expression 


198        Race  SDrtboDorp  in  tfte 

of  the  face  was  an  odd  mixture  of  shrewdness  and  cun 
ning,  over  which  was  oddly  drawn,  like  a  kind  of  veil, 
an  expression  of  the  most  doleful  gravity  and  solemnity." 
Her  fantastic  song-and-dance  performance  showed  that 
curious  combination  of  childishness,  savagery  and  sophis 
tication  that  we  associate  with  the  street  gamin  that  will 
develop  into  a  full-fledged  hoodlum.  Notice  the  bravado 
in  her  nonchalant  complaining:  "...  'She  can't  b'ar 
me,  'cause  I'm  a  nigger!  She'd  's  soon  have  a  toad 
touch  her.  There  can't  nobody  love  niggers,  and  nig 
gers  can't  do  nothin'.  I  don't  care,'  said  Topsy,  begin 
ning  to  whistle."  All  three  types  produce  criminals : 
the  childishly  ignorant  and  thoughtless,  the  savagely 
brutal  and  callous,  the  worldly-wise  "professional"  ex 
ploiter  of  the  weak  and  the  timid.  Mrs.  Stowe  evidently 
believes  that  the  childish  type  is  commonest,  and  shows 
her  belief  in  the  entire  humanness  of  the  other  types  by 
describing  a  "conversion"  of  a  representative  of  each. 
Isolation  and  ignorance  in  the  country  and  the  outcast 
life  in  the  city  are  constantly  tending  to  change  childish 
negroes  into  the  savage  or  the  hoodlum  types. 


MESSAGES  FOR  TO-DAY 

Of  all  the  books  written  on  the  negro  question,  "Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin"  is  still  the  one  that  most  nearly  touches 
the  nerve  of  the  problem.  The  South  is  still  too  sensi 
tive  to  do  the  book  justice  and  the  North  is  becoming 
apologetic  toward  the  South.  Perhaps  it  is  well  that 
this  should  be  so.  Too  long  has  the  South  been  cruelly 
misunderstood.  Too  long  has  she  had  to  bear  reproach 
from  the  whole  civilized  world,  which  finds  it  so  much 
easier  to  blame  than  to  understand.  In  putting  into  a 


"Oncle  Corn's  Cabin"  199 

series  of  propositions  what  I  regard  as  the  main  mes 
sage  of  the  book  for  this  day  I  am  not  afraid  to  say  that, 
if  I  do  not  misinterpret  the  book — and  I  give  page  refer 
ences  in  order  that  my  inferences  should  not  stand  un 
supported — the  mission  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  has  not 
yet  been  fulfilled. 

1.  Humane  people  do  odd   things    (14),   and  eco 
nomic  motives  prevent  men  from  using  their  consciences 
in  finding  out  and  righting  wrongs  (40).     Such  is  the 
value  of  human  souls,  however,  among  exploiters  and 
exploited,  that  sooner  or  later  this  nation  will  be  ashamed 
of  itself  for  allowing  this  negro  question  to  remain  un 
studied  in  this  age  of  science  and  humanitarianism. 

2.  There  is  no  use  in  calling  people  names,  especially 
when  the  supposed  wrongdoers  are  as  likely  to  be  con 
scientious  as  their  critics  are.     We  may  call  a  system 
barbarous  without  regarding  its  upholders  as  barbarians 
(236).     It  is  doubtful  if  the  framework  of  society  in 
New  York  City  will  stand  scrutiny  any  better  than  it 
will  in  New  Orleans  (187).    Undemocratic  withholding 
from  a  people  of  the  full  rights  of  manhood  may  some 
times  be  the  less  of  two  evils,  but  can  never  be  right  and 
should  not  be  tolerated  unless  modern  science  and  philan 
thropy,   after  due  study,  agree  that  conditions  cannot 
safely  be  ameliorated.     But  we  must  not  conclude  that 
because  a  system  as  system  is  bad  that  the  actual  con 
ditions  of  those  who  suffer  from  it  are  as  bad  as  the 
system  seems  to  indicate  on  the  surface.     Good  men 
scorn  to  use  their  power  to  the  full,  and  thousands  of 
Southerners  refuse  to  take  any  sort  of  advantage  of  the 
negro,  but  strive  to  protect  him  in  his  rights  so  far  as 
regard  for  the  public  weal  will  allow   (225   f.).     But 
whether  a  system  of  tutelage  of  a  lower  race  be  right  or 
wrong,  just  or  unjust,  expedient  or  inexpedient,  it  is 


200       Eace  2Dttf)oDojg  in  t&e 

hard  to  bring  up  children  of  the  dominant  race  in  a  civi 
lization  where  certain  classes  of  human  beings  do  not 
count  as  full  men  (281).  It  is  humiliating  for  some  of 
us  to  have  negroes  get  clear  off  the  sidewalk  in  order  to 
give  us  a  superfluity  of  room;  and  sad  for  us  to  see  that 
our  children  seem  to  take  this  action  as  a  matter  of 
course,  or  even  to  demand  it  as  a  right.  Although  it  is 
true  that  the  "higher"  exploit  the  "lower"  the  world 
over  (216),  it  is  peculiarly  distressing  to  have  the  prime 
lesson  of  democracy  and  humanitarianism,  to  say  noth 
ing  of  Christianity,  flouted  by  the  most  democratic  people 
on  earth,  the  masses  of  the  Southern  people.  In  order 
for  a  Southern  man  to  train  his  children  aright  in  the 
principles  of  democracy,  must  he  try  to  keep  them  out 
of  the  way  of  temptation  that  besets  them  on  all  sides 
when  a  less  developed  race  is  held  in  practical  subjection 
by  a  more  developed  one  (223)  ?  That  is  poor  training; 
and  yet  none  of  us  ought  to  have  this  temptation  to  arro 
gance,  to  impurity,  to  contempt  for  fellowmen,  put  in  his 
children's  path!  When  we  see  humane  and  noble  men 
perfectly  helpless  when  a  mob  desires  to  stab  the  state  in 
its  vitals  by  spurning  the  forms  of  its  laws,  and  finds 
himself  "compelled"  to  defend  everything  Southern  be 
cause  he  feels  that  the  wretched  situation  is  itself  to 
blame,  and  that  effects  cannot  be  prevented  as  long  as 
their  causes  obtain ;  then  it  would  seem  high  time  to  have 
something  done  that  will  relieve  the  situation  instead 
of  attempting  to  punish  a  few  lawbreakers  who  imagine 
that  they  are  "defending  their  homes,"  etc. 

3.  Kindness  cannot  take  the  place  of  justice  (41). 
Sympathy  at  a  distance  (137)  in  this  case  benefits  no 
one,  but  exasperates  those  who  feel  that  they  are  doing 
wrong,  but  regard  themselves  as  choosing  a  less  evident 
evil — the  complete  subordination  of  the  lower  race,  rather 


"(tlncle  Com'0  Ca&in"  201 

than  any  possible  assumption  on  the  part  of  said  race 
that  it  can  ever  have  the  rights  of  "the  kin."  Further 
more,  two  things  are  evident :  First,  that  even  kindness, 
at  a  distance  or  close  by,  that  is  accompanied  by  a  feel 
ing  of  repugnance  toward  its  object,  cannot  do  its  real 
work;  second,  that  unredressed  wrongs,  not  only  to  a 
"lower"  people,  but  to  the  cause  of  democracy  itself, 
cannot  be  wiped  out  by  an  ocean  of  philanthropy.  Finally 
when  kindness  has  an  unnatural  tinge,  and  one  side 
feels  that  it  is  suffering  injustice  and  the  other  that  it 
is,  even  though  unwillingly  "forced,"  doing  injustice — 
unless  there  has  been  a  special  revelation  from  on  high 
that  democracy  does  not  apply  to  all  men  or  that  negroes 
are  not  men — then  it  follows  inevitably  that  a  "harden 
ing  process"  sets  in  on  both  sides  (250),  and  the  gulf 
between  the  races  widens  and  widens.  A  glorious  spec 
tacle  for  the  land  of  freedom  and  churches ! 

4.  Religion  is  just  what  the  negro  needs ;  for  it  is  a 
binding,  relational  force,  and  the  negro  needs  relationiz- 
ing,  reciprocal  sympathy,  higher  friendship,  in  his  moral 
life.  The  best  types  of  negroes  are  almost  invariably 
honestly  religious.  Though  the  negro  type  of  religion 
has  suffered  somewhat  from  emotionality  and  superficial 
ity,  the  criminal  classes  are  not  usually  recruited  from 
the  religious  (149,  etc.).  While  the  negro's  "docility" 
has  its  weak  points,  his  social  imitativeness  is  a  fine 
foundation  for  character  in  a  people  that  must  undergo 
long  training,  and  who  need  to  be  supported  by  a  Higher 
Hope.  One  of  the  real  wonders  of  the  world  has  been 
certain  types  of  Christian  character  among  illiterate 
negroes.  Industrial  training  for  the  negroes  cannot  save 
them  without  religion.  Their  faults  are  exactly  those 
that  will  cause  degeneration  when  their  prosperity  is 
merely  materialistic  and  their  morality  utilitarian.  They 


202       Race  DrtftoDorp  in  tfje 

must  learn  that  a  man  should  not  be  allowed  to  loaf,  and 
that  if  he  does  not  work  neither  shall  he  eat.  They  need 
to  learn  industrial  efficiency.  But  their  imaginativeness 
and  predisposition  toward  sensuality — I  speak  generally 
— are  just  the  kind  of  traits  that  need  religion  as  a  mo 
tive  for  moral  conduct.  And  one  of  the  fruits  of  the 
scientific-humanitarian  study  of  the  negro  problem  must 
be  a  decision  as  to  what  specific  kinds  of  religious  train 
ing  the  negro  most  needs.  His  present  forms  of  prot 
estantism  may  not  be  the  best  for  him. 

5.  The  combination  of  industrial  skill  and  conscience 
with  religion  should  show  itself  in   freeing  the  white 
people,  especially  the  women,  from  a  sort  of  bondage  to 
negro  servants  (182).     When  all  the  white  people  that 
have  to  do  with  negroes  are  able  to  set  them  a  good 
example  of  respect  for  labor,  of  industrial  efficiency  and 
of  the  reality  of  religion  in  everyday  life,  then  the  whites 
will  be  freed  without  needing  to  use  the  kind  of  severity 
that  is  generally  practiced  in  order  to  get  orderly  and 
consecutive   work    from   negro   servants   and   laborers. 
When  there  is  a  Christian  relation  between  employer  and 
employed  the  one  can  dispense  with  unsympathetic  sever 
ity,  and  the  other  will  not  take  advantage  of  his  em 
ployer's  kindness  (214).    This  statement  may  be  denied 
by  some,  but  careful  study  of  the  alliance  of  efficiency 
and  religion  in  employer  and  employed  will  demonstrate 
the  truth  of  this  contention. 

6.  How  can  we  expect  the  negro  to  be  honest  and 
faithful  when  we  give  him  no  motive  (215)  ?    The  eco 
nomic  motive  is  not  enough  for  him.     He  frequently 
prefers  time  to  money,  and  gifts  to  increase  of  wages. 
The  personal  touch  of  kindness,  combined  with  firmness 
in  requiring  good  results,  will  produce  much  better  work 


"2Incle  Com'0  Cabin"  203 

than  does  either  rigid  justice  alone  or  a  kindness  that  is 
not  absolutely  just  or  is  merely  soft  and  slouchy. 

The  ordinary  negro  does  not  so  much  want  "social 
equality"  as  impartial  justice  along  with  some  recog 
nition  that  he  is  not  simply  a  thing  apart,  but  a  human 
being  that  can  be  joked  with  and  talked  to  without  re 
pugnance  on  the  part  of  his  employer.  He  is  amenable 
to  neither  bare  business  nor  mere  mildness.  Such  state 
ments  as  these  of  course  need  careful  verification,  but 
they  are  nevertheless  based  on  experience. 

7.  Education  frees  (235).    Hence  the  need  of  being 
able  to  forecast  what  the  negro  is  going  to  do  with  his 
education,  and  whether  it  will  simply  have  the  ultimate 
effect  of  bringing  him  into  sharper  competition  with  the 
white  man.     If  there  is  anything  certain  it  is  this:   that 
the  white  men  of  the  South  will  not  allow  the  law  of 
"natural  selection"  to  help  the  negro  triumph  over  his 
less  efficient  white  competitor.     Call  this  attitude  un 
reasonable,  if  you  will ;  but  the  principle  of  love  is  based 
on  kinship,  and  no  abstract  humanitarianism  will  ever  be 
able  to  supersede  that  which  finds  its  exemplification  in 
race-kinship. 

Hence  the  study  of  the  negro  question  that  is  de 
manded  by  the  situation  in  this  country — not  only  in 
the  South — must  find  out  how  to  free  the  negro  by 
education  without  superseding  the  white  man's  religious 
regard  for  the  weal  of  all  who  belong  to  the  white  race. 

8.  When  men  like  Jefferson  and  Lincoln,  not  to  men 
tion  others  of  note,  believed  that  the  negro  must  eventu 
ally  have  his  own  nationality  (426),  and  when  we  see 
the  ties  of  race  becoming  stronger  in  our  day  all  over 
the  world,  it  will  no  longer  do  to  dismiss  the  idea  of 
colonization  of  the  negro  with  the  usual  remark  that 
it  is  impracticable.     We  can  call  nothing  impracticable 


204       Race  SDrtftoDorp  in  tfje 

until  adequate  study  has  shown  it  to  be  so.  Such  a  radi 
cal  "solution'*  may  take  many  years  and  many  millions, 
but  it  is  astonishing  how  many  "impracticable"  things 
become  feasible  when  we  set  out  to  study  how  to  meet 
an  actual  need.  Wireless  telegraphy,  aviation,  the  Pan 
ama  Canal,  and  many  other  achievements  have  been 
called  impracticable.  No  big  problem  can  be  disposed 
of  simply  by  an  easy  comparison  of  birth  rate  and  ship 
loads.  Let  the  sociological  engineers  pronounce  judg 
ment  after  proper  study.  If  they  find  that  coloniza 
tion  during  a  long  period  and  costing  a  billion  or  so  is 
advisable,  they  may  be  able  to  show  how  the  thing  can 
be  done.  If  they  cannot  show  the  feasibility  of  the 
scheme,  then  the  next  best  thing  or  things  can  be  tried. 

9.  This  is  not  a  question  to  be  trifled  with  (437). 
The  dilettante  has  handled  it  long  enough;  let  us  give 
the  expert  a  chance.    To  drift  and  wait  "for  something 
to  turn  up"  is  a  process  of  cowardice  due  to  a  failure 
to  face  the  facts.    If  those  of  us  who  regard  this  negro 
problem  as  the  most  serious  one  facing  this  country  are 
wrong  in  our  opinion,  let  a  scientific  study  prove  us  to 
be  in  error.    There  are  so  many  of  us,  North  and  South, 
that  we  deserve  this  much  consideration.     Some  of  us 
have  yet  to  find  the  man  who  would  declare,  after  a 
sufficient  and  serious  discussion,  that  the  negro  problem 
does  not  exist,  or  that  it  will  probably  "settle  itself" 
right. 

10.  The  negro  question  is  not  simply  a  Southern 
problem.    It  is  even  more  than  a  national  question.    The 
world  must  find  out  what  to  do  with  its  backward  races. 
If  enlightened  America,  where  the  problem  is  most  acute 
and  where  the  people  are  so  rich  and  so  ingenious,  cannot 
help  in  this  matter,  who  can? 


"Oncle  Com'0  Cabin"  205 

Whether  or  not  Mrs.  Stowe  would  agree  to  all  these 
propositions  in  the  form  in  which  I  have  put  them  I 
know  not.  But  she  was  a  generous  and  godly  soul,  and 
I  believe  that  her  version  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  of 
to-day  would  be  a  plea  for  a  complete  study  of  the  negro 
problem,  in  order  that  democracy  and  Christianity  should 
not  have  to  face  the  farcical  condition  in  this  country. 
We  pretend  to  believe  in  special  privileges  to  none  and 
equal  rights  to  all,  and  fight  Spain  in  order  to  prove  our 
sincerity;  and  yet  refuse  even  to  make  a  concerted  and 
systematic  attempt  to  rid  ourselves  of  the  spectacle  of 
some  millions  of  human  beings  in  a  state  of  spiritual 
slavery.  We  allow  millions  of  children  in  a  "dominant" 
race  to  be  brought  up  to  despise  millions  of  their  fellow- 
men,  in  defiance  of  their  very  school-book  teaching  and 
their  training  by  the  church.  To  all  this  the  following 
reply  is  vouchsafed  by  a  leading  scientific  light  of  this 
country:  "The  American  people  are  not  ready  for  a 
study  of  the  negro  question."  In  the  meantime  the 
leaders  of  thought  and  action  in  this  country  must  not 
be  surprised  if  the  South  at  least,  which  is  conscien 
tiously  striving  to  "hold  the  negro  in  his  place,"  should 
complacently  say  to  the  world  these  words  of  Matthew 
Arnold :  "Might  till  right  is  ready !" 


IV.     SCIENTIFIC 

"THE  MIND  OF  PRIMITIVE  MAN" 
By  FRANZ  BOAS,  1912 

(This  study  tries  to  give  greater  currency  to  the  principal  views 
of  Professor  Boas  on  the  Negro  Question,  especially  his  earnest  be 
lief  that  the  race  problem  should  be  scientifically  studied;  to  show 
that  the  author's  guarded  admissions  of  negro  inferiority  are 
sufficient  to  establish  a  presumption  against  the  advisability  of 
racial  intermixture;  and  to  urge  the  inclusion  of  the  psychological 
study  of  race  feeling  within  the  scope  of  any  future  scientific  study 
of  the  race  problem.) 

This  book  is  one  of  the  latest  (published  September, 
1911)  that  touches  the  negro  question,  and  is  of  con 
siderable  importance  not  only  on  account  of  the  scien 
tific  eminence  of  the  author,  but  also  because  the  book 
embodies  a  plea  for  the  scientific  study  of  race  questions 
in  general  and  of  the  negro  problem  in  particular. 

The  first  paper,  on  racial  prejudices,  was  first  printed 
in  1894  in  the  "Proceedings  of  the  American  Associa 
tion  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,"  and  was  subjected 
to  extensive  criticism  by  Professor  W.  B.  Smith,  in  his 
"Color  Line"  (1905).  Much  of  Professor  Smith's  criti 
cism  applies  rather  to  the  logical  form  and  to  turns  of 
phrasing  than  to  the  general  results  of  Professor  Boas' 
reasoning.  In  the  present  book  the  author  has  revised 
his  paper  in  such  wise  that  the  language  of  the  just- 
mentioned  paper  is  less  open  to  criticism.  One  could 
have  wished  that  the  author  had  replied  specifically  to 
some  of  Professor  Smith's  criticisms,  not  because  they 
threatened  the  validity  of  his  main  contentions,  but  rather 

206 


"C6e  QiinD  of  ptfmfttoe  S@an"     207 


because  Professor  Smith's  book  is  a  sort  of  vade  mecum 
with  many  intelligent  Southerners  who  will  not  see  the 
author's  fuller  statement  of  his  views  in  the  book  that 
we  are  now  considering.  One  is  not,  however,  surprised 
that  he  does  not  see  fit  to  answer  a  critic  who  uses  phrases 
like  the  following:  "Here  the  cards  are  conveniently 
shuffled  and  the  terms  changed  from  'race'  to  'people/ 
.  .  .  The  savant  has  deceived  himself  by  conjuring  with 
the  words  'people'  and  'race.'  .  .  .  (Certain  alleged 
facts)  all  cry  out  against  this  complacent  assumption." 
Then,  too,  Professor  Smith  himself  makes  some  state 
ments  that  do  not  give  us  confidence  in  the  entire  justness 
of  his  insight:  "Of  Caucasians,  the  Aryan  shines  like 
the  moon  amid  the  stars."  One  would  naturally  think 
that  the  people  through  whom  came  the  Bible  and  Chris 
tianity  had  some  claims  to  being  regarded  as  at  least  a 
fairly  well-lighted  moon.  "We  have  often  wondered 
whether  the  bee  might  not  yet  overtake  the  man."  (Per 
haps  this  is  meant  as  a  joke,  for  Professor  Smith,  of 
course,  does  not  regard  evolution  as  being  in  a  straight 
line,  and  knows  that  the  very  highly  specialized  structure 
of  the  bee  makes  it  impossible  for  the  insect  to  develop 
in  the  human  direction.)  When  Professor  Boas  speaks 
of  the  fundamental  difficulty  for  the  rise  of  a  primitive 
people  being  due  to  its  being  looked  upon,  in  spite  of  its 
higher  development,  as  "belonging  to  an  inferior  race," 
Professor  Smith  retorts:  "Here  again  there  is  quietly 
assumed  everything  in  dispute.  We  deny  outright  that 
such  is  the  'fundamental  difficulty.'  In  a  measure  it  has 
no  existence  at  all,  annulled  by  the  prevalent  doctrine 
of  the  equality  of  all  men."  Now,  whatever  may  be  said 
with  regard  to  the  abstract  belief  of  the  people  of  this 
country  in  the  "equality  of  all  men,"  I  had  supposed  it  a 
matter  of  common  observation  that  nowadays,  even  in 
the  North,  in  practice  the  doctrine  is  not  applied  to  the 


2o8       mace  2Drt&oDosp  in  tfte 

negro  concretely — -surely  not  in  social  matters;  whereas 
in  the  South  no  pretense  is  made  that  the  doctrine  of  the 
equality  of  all  man  is  at  all  "prevalent"  in  practice,  so 
far  as  the  negro  is  concerned. 

On  the  other  hand,  though  Professor  Smith  has  used 
in  one  or  two  places  rather  harsh  expressions  about  the 
"learned  savant"  (Dr.  Boas),  he  seems  to  us  to  make 
some  amends  for  his  perfectly  inadvertent  display  of 
incautious  terms  of  depreciation  by  the  following  gen 
erous  tribute  to  Professor  Boas'  paper :  "While,  then,  we 
greatly  admire  the  testing,  probing  spirit  of  Dr.  Boas, 
and  thank  him  heartily  for  his  broad-minded  plea  for 
the  'primitives/  we  are  unable  to  find  in  any  of  his  pages 
anything  but  strong  confirmation  of  the  theses  of  our 
earlier  chapters." 

In  effect,  Dr.  Boas  seems  to  be  writing  on  the  prin 
ciple  that  we  have  no  just  reasons  for  quenching  the 
smoking  flax;  whereas  Professor  Smith  seems  to  think 
that  we  should  at  least  let  it  quench  itself  with  its  own 
smoke,  and  that  we  should  do  nothing  to  kindle  it  into 
flame.  I  think  that  disinterested  men  will  sympathize 
with  Dr.  Boas'  purpose,  and  will  not  refuse  sympathy  to 
Professor  Smith's  "Brief  in  Behalf  of  the  Unborn."  To 
Professor  Smith  all  other  important  public  matters,  such 
as  tariff  and  currency,  sink  into  insignificance  compared 
with  the  "vital  matter  of  pure  blood";  on  Professor 
Boas  the  actual  situation  in  the  South  cannot  press  very 
heavily,  hence  much  of  what  is  of  deeply  sincere,  even 
though  rhetorical,  concern  and  anxiety  in  the  South 
seems  to  him  to  be  "emotional  clamor." 

II 

In  order  to  be  fair  to  Professor  Boas'  thought,  which 
is  especially  interesting  because  of  its  plea  for  the  study 


"Cfte  g^inn  of  Primitive  S@an"      209 

of  the  negro  question  by  a  man  who  has  devoted  his  life 
to  the  investigation  of  "primitives,"  let  us  put  before  us 
a  summary  of  his  views,  mainly  in  his  own  words.  We 
shall  then  be  in  a  position  to  see  the  bearings  of  our 
author's  general  positions,  and  can  take  up  special  points 
in  connection  with  Dr.  Boas'  main  view. 

"We  must  investigate  in  how  far  we  are  justified  in 
assuming  that  achievement  is  primarily  due  to  excep 
tional  aptitude,  and  in  how  far  we  are  justified  in  assum 
ing  that  the  European  type — or,  taking  the  notion  in  its 
extremest  form,  that  the  North  European  type — repre 
sents  the  highest  development  of  mankind."  (5) 

Here  is  his  summary  of  his  answer  to  the  first  ques 
tion  as  stated  above: 

"Several  races  have  developed  a  civilization  of  a  type 
similar  to  the  one  from  which  our  own  had  its  origin. 
A  number  of  favorable  conditions  facilitated  the  rapid 
spread  of  this  civilization  in  Europe.  Among  these, 
common  physical  appearance,  contiguity  of  habitat,  and 
moderate  differences  in  modes  of  manufacture  were  the 
most  potent.  When,  later  on,  civilization  began  to  spread 
over  other  continents,  the  races  with  which  modern  civil 
ization  came  into  contact  were  not  equally  favorably  situ 
ated.  Striking  differences  of  racial  types,  the  preceding 
isolation  which  caused  devastating  epidemics  in  the  newly 
discovered  countries,  and  the  greater  advance  in  civiliza 
tion  made  assimilation  much  more  difficult.  The  rapid 
dissemination  of  Europeans  over  the  whole  world  de 
stroyed  all  promising  beginnings  which  had  arisen  in 
various  regions.  Thus  no  race  except  that  of  eastern 
Asia  was  given  a  chance  to  develop  an  independent  civili 
zation.  The  spread  of  the  European  race  cut  short  the 
growth  of  the  existing  germs  without  regard  to  the 
mental  attitude  of  the  people  among  whom  it  was  de- 


2io       mace  2Drtf)oDo*g  in  tfte 

veloping.  On  the  other  hand,  we  have  seen  that  no 
great  weight  can  be  attributed  to  the  earlier  rise  of 
civilization  in  the  Old  World,  which  is  satisfactorily  ex 
plained  as  a  chance.  In  short,  historical  events  appear 
to  have  been  much  more  potent  in  leading  races  to 
civilization  than  their  faculty,  and  it  follows  that  achieve 
ments  of  races  do  not  warrant  us  in  assuming  that  one 
race  is  more  highly  gifted  than  the  other"  (16  f.). 

Here  is  a  statement  of  some  of  the  typical  facts  that 
lead  Professor  Boas  to  think  that  the  Caucasian  has  not 
the  monopoly  of  the  "higher"  anatomical  characteristics : 

"The  European  and  the  Mongol  have  the  largest 
brains;  the  European  has  a  small  face  and  a  high  nose; 
all  features  farther  removed  from  the  probable  animal 
ancestor  of  man  than  the  corresponding  features  of 
other  races.  On  the  other  hand,  the  European  shares 
lower  characteristics  with  the  Australian,  both  retaining 
in  the  strongest  degree  the  hairiness  of  the  animal  ances 
tor,  while  the  specifically  human  development  of  the  red 
lip  is  developed  most  markedly  in  the  negro.  The  pro 
portions  of  the  limbs  of  the  negro  are  also  more  markedly 
distinct  from  the  corresponding  proportions  in  the  higher 
apes  than  are  those  of  the  European. 

"When  we  interpret  these  data  in  the  light  of  modern 
biological  concepts,  we  may  say  that  the  specifically 
human  features  appear  with  varying  intensity  in  various 
races,  and  that  the  divergence  from  the  animal  ancestor 
has  developed  in  varying  directions"  (22). 

Let  us  note  also  the  summary  of  the  results  of  the 
whole  preliminary  investigations : 

"We  have  found  that  the  unproved  assumption  of 
identity  of  cultural  achievements  and  of  mental  ability 
is  founded  on  an  error  of  judgment;  that  the  variations 
in  cultural  development  can  as  well  be  explained  by  a 


"Cfte  S@inD  of  Ptimittoe  fliten"      211 

consideration  of  the  general  course  of  historical  events 
without  recourse  to  the  theory  of  material  differences  of 
mental  faculty  in  different  races.  We  have  found, 
furthermore,  that  a  similar  error  underlies  the  common 
assumption  that  the  white  race  represents  physically  the 
highest  type  of  man,  but  that  anatomical  and  physiologi 
cal  considerations  do  not  support  these  views"  (29). 

We  may  add  to  Professor  Boas'  summary  of  his  first 
paper  two  of  his  significant  statements,  the  first  of  which 
warns  us  not  to  judge  a  race  by  one  trial  only,  and  the 
other  admits  the  preeminence  of  the  white  race  in  at 
least  one  important  characteristic: 

1.  (Retardation    in    the    development    of    a    race) 
"would  be  significant  only  if  it  could  be  shown  that  it 
occurs  independently  over  and  over  again  in  the  same 
race,  while  in  other  races  greater  rapidity  of  development 
was  found  repeatedly  in  independent  cases." 

2.  (The  white  race  seems  to  show)   "a  remarkable 
power  of  assimilation  which  has  not  manifested  itself 
to  any  equal  degree  in  any  other  race"  (10). 

The  second  paper  deals  with  the  influence  of  environ 
ment,  and  is  thus  summarized  (p.  75)  : 

"We  are  thus  led  to  the  conclusion  that  environment 
has  an  important  effect  upon  the  anatomical  structure 
and  physiological  functions  of  man;  and  that  for  this 
reason  differences  of  type  and  action  between  primitive 
and  civilized  groups  of  the  same  race  must  be  expected. 
It  seems  plausible  that  one  of  the  most  potent  causes  of 
these  modifications  must  be  looked  for  in  the  progressive 
domestication  of  man  incident  to  the  advance  of  civiliza 
tion." 

In  the  third  paper,  "Influence  of  Heredity  Upon  Hu 
man  Types,"  occur  two  summary  statements  that  contain 
what  is  essential  for  our  purpose  in  reviewing  the  book : 


212        Race  SDrtftoDorp  in  tfje 

P.  76 — "Even  granting  the  greatest  possible  amount 
of  influence  to  environment,  it  is  readily  seen  that  all  the 
essential  traits  of  man  are  due  primarily  to  heredity. 
The  descendants  of  the  negro  will  always  be  negroes; 
the  descendants  of  the  whites,  whites;  and  we  may  even 
go  considerably  further,  and  may  recognize  that  the 
essential  detailed  characteristics  of  a  type  will  always  be 
reproduced  in  the  descendants,  although  they  may  be 
modified  to  a  considerable  extent  by  the  influence  of 
environment.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  influ 
ence  of  environment  is  of  such  a  character  that,  although 
the  same  race  may  assume  a  different  type  when  removed 
from  one  environment  to  another,  it  will  revert  to  its 
old  type  when  replaced  in  its  old  environment.  This 
point  has  not  been  proved  by  actual  anthropological  evi 
dence;  but  it  seems  reasonable  to  make  this  assumption 
by  analogy  with  what  we  know  of  the  behavior  of  plants 
and  animals.  It  would,  of  course,  be  highly  desirable  to 
clear  up  this  question  by  appropriate  investigations." 

P.  94 — "  .  .  .  The  differences  between  different  types 
of  man  are,  on  the  whole,  small  as  compared  to  the  range 
of  variation  in  each  type." 

Here  is  the  conclusion  of  the  paper  on  "Mental  Traits 
of  Primitive  Man" : 

".  .  .  The  average  faculty  of  the  white  race  is  found 
to  the  same  degree  in  a  large  proportion  of  individuals 
of  all  other  races,  and  although  it  is  probable  that  some 
of  these  races  may  not  produce  as  large  a  proportion 
of  great  men  as  our  own  race,  there  is  no  reason  to  sup 
pose  that  they  are  unable  to  reach  the  level  of  civilization 
represented  by  the  bulk  of  our  own  people  "(123). 

Conclusion  of  chapter  on  Race  and  Language:  ".  .  . 
Language  does  not  furnish  the  much-looked- f or  means  of 


€f)e  0@inD  of  primitive  e@an"      213 


discovering  differences  in  the  mental  status  of  different 
races"  (154). 

We  shall  allow  the  following  quotation  to  represent 
the  main  teaching  (for  our  purpose)  of  the  paper  en 
titled  "The  Universality  of  Cultural  Traits"  : 

"There  remains  one  question  to  be  discussed;  namely, 
whether  some  tribes  represent  a  lower  cultural  stage 
when  looked  at  from  an  evolutionary  point  of  view. 

Our  previous  discussion  has  shown  that  almost  all  at 
tempts  to  characterize  the  mind  of  primitive  man  do  not 
take  into  account  racial  affiliations,  but  only  stages  of 
culture,  and  the  results  of  our  efforts  to  determine  char 
acteristic  racial  differences  have  been  of  doubtful  value. 
It  appears,  therefore,  that  modern  anthropologists  not 
only  proceed  on  the  assumption  of  the  generic  unity  of 
the  mind  of  man,  but  tacitly  disregard  quantitative  dif 
ferences  which  may  very  well  occur.  We  may  therefore 
base  our  further  consideration  on  the  theory  of  the  simi 
larity  of  mental  function  in  all  races. 

Observation  has  shown,  however,  that  not  only  emo 
tions,  intellect  and  will  power  of  man  are  alike  every 
where,  but  that  much  more  detailed  similarities  in  thought 
and  action  occur  among  the  most  diverse  peoples.  These 
similarities  are  apparently  so  detailed  and  far-reaching 
that  Bastian  was  led  to  speak  of  the  appalling  monotony 
of  the  fundamental  ideas  of  mankind  all  over  the  globe" 

(155  fO- 
Summary  of  paper  on  "The  Evolutionary  Viewpoint"  : 

"We  are  thus  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  assumption 
of  a  uniform  development  of  culture  among  all  the  dif 
ferent  races  of  man  and  among  all  tribal  units  is  true  in 
a  limited  sense  only.  We  may  recognize  a  certain  modi 
fication  of  mental  activities  with  modifications  of  forms 
of  culture  ;  but  the  assumption  that  the  same  forms  must 


214       Hate  ©rtftoDorp  in  tfte  South 


necessarily  develop  in  every  independent  social  unit  can 
hardly  be  maintained.  Thus  the  question  with  which  we 
began  our  consideration  —  namely,  whether  the  represen 
tatives  of  different  races  can  be  proved  to  have  developed 
each  independently,  in  such  a  way  that  the  representa 
tives  of  some  races  stand  on  low  levels  of  culture,  while 
others  stand  on  high  levels  —  may  be  answered  in  the 
negative.  If  we  should  make  the  attempt  to  arrange  the 
different  types  of  man  in  accordance  with  their  indus 
trial  advancement,  we  should  find  representatives  of  the 
most  diverse  races  —  such  as  the  Bushman  of  South 
Africa,  the  Veddah  of  Ceylon,  the  Australian,  and  the 
Indian  of  Terra  del  Fuego  —  on  the  same  lowest  level. 
We  should  also  find  representatives  of  different  races  on 
more  advanced  levels,  like  the  negroes  of  Central  Af 
rica,  the  Indians  of  the  southwestern  puebloes,  and  the 
Polynesians  ;  and  in  our  present  period  we  may  find  repre 
sentatives  of  the  most  diverse  races  taking  part  in  the 
highest  types  of  civilization.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that 
there  is  no  close  relation  between  race  and  culture" 

(195  f-). 

Professor  Boas'  paper  on  "Some  Traits  of  Primitive 
Culture"  does  not  take  racial  affiliation  into  view,  hence 
we  need  not  summarize  it;  moreover,  it  does  not  add 
anything  in  principle  to  the  views  already  summarized. 

The  tenth  and  last  paper  of  the  book  deals  with  "Race 
Problems  in  the  United  States."  Leaving  aside  that  por 
tion  of  the  paper  which  discusses  white  American-  Euro 
pean  mixture,  and  so  on,  let  us  concentrate  attention  on 
what  Professor  Boas  has  to  say  with  regard  to  the  negro 
problem  specifically.  After  saying  that  the  information 
that  we  have  with  respect  to  the  negro  child  is  "prac 
tically  without  value"  (p.  269),  that  most  persons  in  the 
United  States  little  realize  what  the  African  people  have 


C&e  90inD  of  pnmititoe  6©an"      215 


done  and  can  do  (270),  our  author  expresses  several 
opinions,  the  most  important  of  which  we  shall  quote, 
as  they  deal  directly  with  the  negro  problem  in  the 
South. 

"All  the  different  kinds  of  activities  that  we  consider 
valuable  in  the  citizens  of  our  country  may  be  found  in 
aboriginal  Africa"  (270).  ".  .  .  The  traits  of  African 
culture  as  observed  in  the  aboriginal  home  of  the  negro 
are  those  of  a  healthy  primitive  people,  with  a  consider 
able  degree  of  personal  initiative,  with  a  talent  for  or 
ganization,  and  with  imaginative  power,  with  technical 
skill  and  thrift.  Neither  is  a  warlike  spirit  absent  in  the 
race,  as  is  proved  by  the  mighty  conquerors  who  over 
threw  states  and  founded  new  empires,  and  by  the  cour 
age  of  the  armies  that  follow  the  bidding  of  their  lead 
ers.  There  is  nothing  to  prove  that  licentiousness,  shift 
less  laziness,  lack  of  initiative  are  fundamental  charac 
teristics  of  the  race.  Everything  points  out  that  these 
qualities  are  the  result  of  social  conditions  rather  than  of 
hereditary  traits"  (271). 

"We  do  not  know  of  any  demand  made  on  the  human 
body  or  mind  in  modern  life  that  anatomical  or  ethno 
logical  evidence  would  prove  to  be  beyond  the  powers 
of  the  negro"  (271). 

After  stating  that  in  his  opinion  the  traits  of  the 
American  negro  are  adequately  explained  by  his  history 
and  social  status,  our  author  makes  the  following  state 
ment  with  respect  to  "race  instinct"  :  "Ultimately  this 
phenomenon  is  a  repetition  of  the  old  instinct  and  fear 
of  the  connubium  of  patricians  and  plebeians,  of  the 
European  nobility  and  the  common  people,  or  of  the 
castes  of  India.  The  emotions  and  reasonings  concerned 
are  the  same  in  every  respect.  In  our  case  they  relate 
particularly  to  the  necessity  of  maintaining  a  distinct 


216       &ace  SDttftoDosg  in  tfte 


social  status  in  order  to  avoid  race  mixture.  As  in  the 
other  cases  mentioned,  the  so-called  instinct  is  not  a 
physiological  dislike.  This  is  proved  by  the  existence  of 
our  large  mulatto  population,  as  well  as  by  the  more 
ready  amalgamation  of  the  Latin  peoples.  It  is  rather 
an  expression  of  social  conditions  that  are  so  deeply 
ingrained  in  us  that  they  assume  a  strong  emotional 
value;  and  this,  I  presume,  is  meant  when  we  call  such 
feelings  instinctive.  The  feeling  certainly  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  question  of  the  vitality  and  ability  of  the 
mulatto. 

"Still  the  questions  of  race-mixture  and  of  the  negro's 
adaptability  to  our  environment  represent  a  number  of 
important  problems. 

"I  think  we  have  reason  to  be  ashamed  to  confess  that 
the  scientific  study  of  these  questions  has  never  received 
the  support  either  of  our  government  or  of  any  of  our 
great  scientific  institutions;  and  it  is  hard  to  understand 
why  we  are  so  indifferent  toward  a  question  which  is  of 
paramount  importance  to  the  welfare  of  our  na 
tion  .  .  .  (274).  The  importance  of  researches  on  this 
subject  cannot  be  too  strongly  urged,  since  the  desirabil 
ity  or  undesirability  of  race-mixture  should  be  known. 
Looking  into  a  distant  future,  it  seems  reasonably  certain 
that,  with  the  increasing  mobility  of  the  negro,  the  num 
ber  of  full-bloods  will  rapidly  decrease;  and  since  there 
is  no  introduction  of  new  negro  blood,  there  cannot  be 
the  slightest  doubt  that  the  ultimate  effect  of  the  contact 
between  the  two  races  must  necessarily  be  a  continued 
increase  of  the  amount  of  white  blood  in  the  negro  com 
munity  .  .  .  (275). 

"While  the  large  body  of  the  white  population  will 
always,  at  least  for  a  very  long  time  to  come,  be  entirely 
remote  from  any  possibility  of  intermixture  with  negroes, 


"Cfte  flgJinD  of  primitive  6@att"      217 

I  think  that  we  may  predict  with  a  fair  degree  of  cer 
tainty  a  condition  in  which  the  contrast  between  colored 
people  and  whites  will  be  less  marked  than  it  is  at  the 
present  time.  Notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  that  may 
be  laid  in  the  way  of  intermixture,  the  conditions  are  such 
that  the  persistence  of  the  pure  negro  type  is  practically 
impossible.  Not  even  an  excessively  high  mortality  and 
lack  of  fertility  among  the  mixed  type,  as  compared  with 
the  pure  types,  could  prevent  this  result.  Since  it  is 
impossible  to  change  these  conditions,  they  should  be 
faced  squarely,  and  we  ought  to  demand  a  careful  and 
critical  investigation  of  the  whole  problem  (276).  .  .  . 
The  most  important  practical  questions  relating  to  the 
negro  problem  have  reference  to  the  mulattoes  and  other 
mixed  bloods — to  their  physical  types,  their  mental  and 
moral  qualities,  and  their  vitality.  When  the  bulky  liter 
ature  of  the  subject  is  carefully  sifted,  little  remains 
that  will  endure  serious  criticism;  and  I  do  not  believe 
that  I  claim  too  much  when  I  say  that  the  whole  work 
on  this  subject  remains  to  be  done.  The  development 
of  modern  methods  of  research  make  it  certain  that  by 
careful  inquiry  definite  answers  to  our  problems  may  be 
found.  Is  it  not,  then,  our  plain  duty  to  inform  our 
selves  that,  so  far  as  that  can  be  done,  deliberate  con 
sideration  of  observations  may  take  the  place  of  heated 
discussions  of  beliefs  in  matters  that  concern  not  only 
ourselves,  but  also  the  welfare  of  millions  of  negroes?" 
(277  £.)- 

Ill 

NEGRO  ABILITY  AND  CAPACITY 

Desiring  to  be  not  only  just  but  even  generous  with 
respect  to  our  appreciation  of  the  possibilities  of  negro 


218        Uace  SDrdjofcofp  in  tfte 


character  and  achievement,  let  us,  pending  the  investiga 
tion  that  Professor  Boas  does  well  to  desiderate,  accept 
our  author's  authority  in  this  matter,  and  group  together 
his  most  important  suggestions  with  regard  to  negro 
capacity  and  ability. 

(1)  The  historical  fact  of  achievement  does  not  of 
itself  prove  capacity  and  ability  in  a  race.     (This  gen 
eralization  cuts  in  two  directions:    While  it  frees  the 
negro  race  from  the  imputation  of  infirmity  because  of 
its  historical  lack  of  development,  it  also  debars  us  from 
insisting  that  the  "wonderful  achievements"  of  the  Amer 
ican  negro  since  emancipation  show  forth  the  negro's 
real  powers  of  cultural  assimilation  and  racial  talent.  ) 

(2)  Specifically,  "human"  features  are  not  a  monop 
oly  of  the  Caucasian  race.     (We  should  admit  this  con 
tention  simply  on  the  assumption  that  Professor  Boas' 
list  of   "human"   features   is   the  correct  one.     But   I 
should  think  that  ethnologists   would  admit  the  large 
speculative  element  in  the  statements  that  the  negro's 
red  lips,  scantiness  of  hair,  etc.,  are  peculiarly  human. 
May  not  some  of  the  racial  characteristics  be  due  to  adap 
tation  to  environment,  so  that  a  feature  that  would  be 
more  "human"  in  the  tropics  would  be  less  "human"  in 
the   temperate   regions?     If  we   regard  the   temperate 
zones  as  more  suitable  for  the  evolution  of  a  higher  type 
of  humanity,  we  naturally  frame  our  concepts  of  human- 
ness  from  the  temperate  zone  point  of  view.     However, 
I  think  that  we  should  provisionally  admit  Professor 
Boas'  contention  as  being  at  least  the  best  that  scientific 
speculation  offers,  inasmuch  as  we  scarcely  have  the  right 
to  say  that  the  higher  type  of  man  is  necessarily  produced 
in  the  temperate  zone;  nor  should  we  allow  aesthetic 
judgment  to  interfere  with  the  best  scientific  speculation 


"€6e  6@ittD  of  primitive  S£att"      219 

as  to  what  constitutes  "human"  features  of  body  and 
mind. 

(3)  The  retardation  of  the  negro  race  proves  nothing 
significant  when  we  consider  the  immensely  long  age  of 
mankind's  life  on  earth,  the  highly  probable  concept  of 
the  unity  of  the  human  species,  and  the  balancing  of  the 
negro's  retardation  during  the  ages  with  his  apparently 
rapid  advancement  in  a  stimulating  environment. 

(We  must  bear  in  mind,  however,  this  caution :  Negro 
retardation  has  not  been  proved  to  be  absolute,  and  may 
be  only  relative;  but  the  raw  material  of  Teutonic  bar 
barians  is  by  no  means  to  be  viewed  as  practically  the 
same  in  promise  as  the  barbarianism  of  Central  Africa, 
to  say  nothing  of  Western  Africa.  Many  unprejudiced 
observers  of  to-day  would  claim  that  an  illiterate  white 
man  of  the  South  has  more  political  instinct  than  many 
educated  negroes  have;  nor  are  facts  lacking  to  sustain 
this  contention.  Nor  has  science  disproved  Professor 
W.  B.  Smith's  representative  suggestion  that  there  may 
be  qualitative  differences  of  brain  tissue,  whereby  white 
and  negro  brains  of  equal  weight  and  apparent  develop 
ment  would  by  no  means  be  equal  functionally.  I  think 
it  would  be  fair  to  say  that  what  we  know  of  the  relative 
bodily  and  mental  values  of  the  whites  and  negroes  would 
compel  us  in  all  fairness  to  say  that,  though  Professor 
Boas'  careful  statements  with  regard  to  negro  retarda 
tion  should  be  accepted,  the  presumption  still  remains 
against  the  probability  that  negroes  and  whites  are  in 
trinsically  equal  in  capacity  and  ability.  True,  the  pre 
sumption  is  only  a  presumption;  but  if  we  should  find 
any  positive  evidence  in  favor  of  the  probable  inferiority 
of  the  negro,  especially  when  such  evidence  is  furnished 
by  those  who  claim  all  they  can  for  primitives,  the 
"prejudice"  against  negro  capacity  and  ability  becomes  a 


220       Race  flDrt&oDosg  in  tfie 

probability  that  must  be  taken  into  practical  account.) 

(4)  The  range  of  variations  in  each  type  is  greater 
than  the  differences  in  type.     (We  should  expect  this  in 
varieties  of  the  same  species.    The  important  thing,  per 
haps,  may  be  the  kind  and  the  direction  of  the  variations, 
rather  than  the  mere  degree  of  variation.    The  mere  fact 
of  there  being  more  large  and  heavy  brains  among  whites, 
for  instance,  may  not  be  a  very  significant  fact  in  favor 
of  Caucasian  superiority.    If  along  with  these  racial  dif 
ferences,  however,  go  others  that  indicate  Caucasian  su 
periority,  we  have  a  right  to  say  that  the  presumption 
against  the  negro's  equal  endowment  is  decidedly  in 
creased  by  any  general  indication  of  Caucasian  superior 
ity  in  size  and  weight  of  brain.) 

(5)  General  and  detailed  similarities  of  thought  and 
culture  occur  among  most  diverse  peoples.     All  races 
show  representatives  among  peoples  and  individuals  of 
highest  and  of  lowest  levels. 

(Here,  again,  we  should  expect  such  phenomena 
among  varieties  of  a  single  species.  But  the  potentiali 
ties  of  a  primitive  Greek  myth  or  a  Norwegian  saga,  for 
example,  may  be  very  different  from  those  of  an  African 
folk  tale.  "What  will  he  do  with  it?"  is  the  question  that 
must  inevitably  be  asked.  Are  there  any  signs  of  a  great 
epic  in  the  African  civilizations?  Is  their  folklore  wis 
dom  anywise  comparable  to  the  beginnings  of  Greek 
philosophy  or  Hebrew  prophecy?  An  underlying  "con 
cept"  has  little  significance  in  human  culture  compared 
with  the  potentialities  of  development.  I  sometimes  read 
a  book  of  adventure  that  has  been  enjoyed  by  my  chil 
dren,  and  discuss  it  with  them  on  seemingly  equal  terms. 
But  I  am  not  warranted  on  that  account  in  supposing 
that  my  children  will  necessarily  become  interested  in 
the  psychological,  social  and  philosophical  ideas  that  in- 


"Cfte  S©inD  of  Primitive  S®an"      221 

terest  me.  Nor  can  I  conclude  that  because  my  children 
show  equal  interest  in  adventure  they  will  hereafter  de 
velop  equally  in  other  directions  of  interest  and  thought. 
An  African  tribe  may  develop  practical  wisdom  superior 
to  that  of  the  early  Greeks,  and  yet  fail  to  make  any 
aesthetic  or  scientific  or  philosophical  use  of  its  concepts. 
Some  of  the  shrewdest  observations  on  life  that  I  have 
ever  heard  have  come  from  illiterate  negroes  who  have 
shown  a  singular  incapacity  for  abstract  thought.) 

(6)  Language  does  not  furnish  us  with  a  standard  for 
comparing  the  capacity  of  a  race  for  culture. 

(Admitting  this  generalization,  are  we  therefore  jus 
tified  in  saying  that  noble  literature  and  high  philosophy 
can  be  expressed  in  African  dialects?  No  doubt  the 
African  languages  express  all  that  an  African  needs  to 
express,  and  that  they  can  be  so  developed  as  to  set  forth 
some  of  the  higher  concepts  of  civilization;  but  is  it  at 
all  likely  that  they  ever  can  become  the  plastic  instru 
ments  of  thought  in  a  way  at  all  comparable  to  Greek 
and  English?  If  the  ethnologists  and  language  experts 
will  tell  me  that  I  am  mistaken  in  thinking  that  the  pre 
sumption  is  against  the  cultural  possibilities  of  African 
dialects,  I  am  perfectly  willing  to  change  my  views  on 
the  subject.  Indeed,  I  hope  that  I  am  mistaken,  and  that 
every  human  dialect  has  within  it  possibilities  of  limit 
less  culture  in  all  human  directions.) 

(7)  All  the  essentially  valuable  activities  are  to  be 
found  in  aboriginal  Africa. 

The  American  negro  is  equal  to  all  the  demands  likely 
to  be  made  on  him,  whether  physical  or  mental. 

Shiftlessness,  licentiousness  and  lack  of  initiative  in 
the  American  negro  are  probably  due  to  social  causes. 

(Let  us  hope  that  these  statements  are  true.  All  our 
generous  feelings,  all  our  chivalry,  all  our  humaneness 


222       Race  SDrt&oDosp  in  tfte 

should  be  aroused  on  behalf  of  this  unfortunate  negro 
people.  We  must,  however,  note  carefully  whether  Pro 
fessor  Boas  himself  is  altogether  hopeful  with  regard  to 
the  negro's  capacity  and  ability. 

The  problem  that  interests  us  in  America  is  not  so 
much  the  negro's  ability  to  prove  himself  equal  to  the 
demands  likely  to  be  made  on  him,  but  whether  he  is 
able  to  meet  all  the  important  sorts  of  demands  that 
Caucasians  have  shown  themselves  able  to  meet.  Grant 
ing  that  negro  licentiousness,  lack  of  initiative,  etc.,  are 
probably  due  to  social  causes,  we  must  ask  ourselves  two 
further  questions :  i.  Is  it  possible  to  remedy  the  negro's 
social  disabilities  in  this  country,  except  through  mixture 
with  the  whites  and  ultimate  obliteration  of  the  color 
line?  2.  If  the  negro  should  be  separated  altogether  from 
the  white  race,  will  he  be  able  to  stand  alone?  If  we 
must  give  a  negative  answer  to  these  questions,  our 
judgment  with  regard  to  the  promise  of  aboriginal  Afri 
can  traits  will  avail  nothing.) 

RACE    MIXTURE 

(1)  Through  a  process  of  domestication  the  primitive 
races  become  assimilated  to  the  civilized  races. 

(2)  The  desirability  or  undesirability  of  race  mixture 
between  negroes  and  Caucasians  should  be  known,  for 
the  differences  between  the  races  will  very  probably  tend 
to  disappear,  and  in  time  the  negro  race  as  such  will  dis 
appear  in  America. 

COMMENT  ON  (i)  AND  (2) 

If  Professor  Boas  is  correct  in  thinking  that  domes 
tication  of  the  negro  will  ultimately  break  down  the 


€&e  S@inD  of  Primitive  quan"      223 


color  line  and  lead  to  the  "solution"  of  the  negro  prob 
lem  through  fusion  of  the  races,  he  and  other  inves 
tigators  will  find  that  the  investigation  cannot  content 
itself  with  a  study  of  the  "desirability  or  undesirability" 
of  racial  intermixture.  It  will  have  to  face  another 
problem:  How  can  the  whites,  whose  feeling  of  preju 
dice  against  the  negro  is  rapidly  growing,  be  got  to  take 
a  cool,  scientific  view  of  the  probable  potency  of  negro 
blood?  Granted,  for  the  sake  of  argument  only,  that 
the  negro  is  intrinsically,  though  as  yet  only  potentially, 
the  equal  of  the  white,  can  the  white  race  be  got  to  found 
its  attitude  toward  the  negro  race  on  a  utilitarian-ethical 
basis  only,  or  will  economic,  aesthetic  and  historical  rea 
sons  continue  to  operate  against  the  full  recognition  of 
the  negro's  probable  worth?  Will  present  historical  and 
social  and  aesthetic  prejudice  against  the  negro  be  allayed 
in  any  way  when  even  ethnologists  who  are  favorably 
disposed  toward  primitives  seem  to  admit  the  present 
substantial  inferiority  of  the  negro  race? 

Even  if  it  could  be  scientifically  proved  that  an  infu 
sion  of  negro  blood  would  help  the  white  race,  the  preju 
dice  against  a  really  great  branch  of  the  white  race  like 
the  Jews  is  sufficient  warning  to  us  not  to  confine  our 
discussion  of  race  problems  to  the  question  of  equality 
or  inequality  of  physical  and  mental  endowment. 

NEGRO    INFERIORITY 

(1)  The  detailed  characteristics  of  a  race  will  be  re 
produced  in  its  descendants. 

(2)  Race-mixture  and  the  negro's  adaptability  to  our 
environment  are  problematic  matters. 

(3)  The  negro's  powers  of  assimilation  of  culture  are 
apparently  less  than  those  of  the  white  race. 


224       Race  SDrtftoDoip  in  tfce 

(4)  The  negroes  would  probably  revert  in  large  meas 
ure  to  their  primitive  status  if  left  unsupported  by  the 
white  race. 

(5)  The  negroes  will  probably  show  for  all  time  a 
smaller  proportion  of  great  men  than  the  white  race 
shows  and  has  shown. 

COMMENT 

These  "five  points"  give  us  anything  but  a  promising 
outlook  for  the  "desirability"  of  race-mixture.  If  the 
negroes  as  a  race  are  probably  inferior  to  the  whites 
with  regard  to  the  powers  of  assimilation,  the  production 
of  great  men,  and  the  permanent  stability  of  their  cultural 
acquirements,  and  if  their  adaptability  to  our  culture  is 
a  problematic  matter;  and,  finally,  if  the  negroid  charac 
teristics  tend  to  persist,  is  it  not  the  part  of  wisdom  for 
the  white  race  to  assume  that  there  is  enough  intrinsic 
inferiority  in  the  negro  race  to  justify  the  whites  in  ask 
ing  that  science  prove  the  actual  desirability  of  race-mix 
ture  before  the  slightest  encouragement  is  given  to  the 
process  of  "amalgamation"  ? 

Professor  W.  B.  Smith  may  be  incorrect  in  his  state 
ment  that  Professor  Boas'  first  paper  contains  nothing 
to  justify  a  change  of  Southern  attitude  with  regard  to 
its  belief  in  negro  inferiority,  but  I  think  we  should  ad 
mit  in  all  candor  that  the  burden  of  proof  is  thrown  on 
those  who  believe  that  there  is  no  substantial  inferiority 
in  the  negro  race. 

RACE    PREJUDICE 

(i)  Race  "feeling  has  certainly  nothing  to  do  with 
the  question  of  the  vitality  and  ability  of  the  negro." 


"Cfte  9@inD  of  Primftitoe  fi@an"      225 

(But  belief  in  the  negro's  physical,  mental  and  moral 
inferiority  may  have  something  to  do  with  race  feeling. 
Apparently  one  author's  guarded  admissions  with  regard 
to  negro  disability  are  scarcely  reassuring  even  to  those 
who  are  willing  to  view  the  idea  of  racial  mixture  from 
a  dispassionately  scientific  point  of  view.) 

(2)  One  of  the  primary  causes  of  race  mixture  is  the 
"increasing  mobility  of  the  negro." 

(The  proportion  of  mulattoes  to  negroes  seems  to  be 
much  larger  in  the  North  and  the  border  states  than  in 
the  South.  The  few  instances  of  intermarriage  of  white 
and  colored  occur  at  the  North  with  the  sanction  of  law. 
However,  the  indications  do  not  point  toward  the  lessen 
ing  of  race  feeling  at  the  North,  but  rather  in  the  con 
trary  direction.  Have  we  then  any  right  to  prophesy 
that  the  social  discrimination  against  the  negro  will  ulti 
mately  die  out?  And  can  we  view  with  equanimity  the 
idea  that  very  light-colored  mulattoes  will  increasingly 
"lose  themselves"  in  the  white  race,  because  of  the  fail 
ure  of  the  whites  to  distinguish  superficial  negroid  traits? 
If  a  slight  infusion  of  negro  blood  will  cause  no  deteri 
oration  in  the  white  race,  racial  feeling  may  ultimately 
become  a  negligible  quantity.  But  until  the  people  of  this 
country  believe  that  even  the  slightest  degree  of  mix 
ture  is  innocuous,  they  will  view  with  alarm  any  tendency 
toward  the  diffusion  of  negro  blood  in  the  white  race, 
and  probably  race  prejudice  will  more  and  more  tend  to 
become  race  enmity.) 

(3)  Race  "instinct"  is  not  a  "physiological  dislike,"  as 
is  "proved  by  the  existence  of  our  large  mulatto  popula 
tion." 

(But  is  not  "physiological  dislike"  increasing?  Be 
sides,  are  our  experiments  in  civilization  to  be  based  on 
the  indiscriminateness  of  the  sexual  instinct?  At  the 


226       Race  2)rtboDorp  in  tfce 

best,  brute  passion  tewcfo  toward  perversion  and  lustful 
orgies.  Do  we  want  our  problem  settled  by  allowing 
lust  to  have  its  way?  Of  course,  our  author  will  answer 
with  us  in  the  negative.) 

(4)  "Fear  of  the  connubium"  is  at  the  basis  of  race- 
feeling. 

(This  is  undoubtedly  true,  and  there  is  a  clear  parallel 
between  Roman  life  and  our  own  in  this  respect.  [See 
Appendix:  notes  on  Coulanges'  Ancient  City]). 

(5)  "Emotions  and  reasonings  are  the  same  in  every 
respect/'  i.e.,  in  present  race-attitude  in  this  country  as 
compared  with  that  of  ancient  times. 

(This  statement  may  be  correct,  but  I  doubt  it.  Fear 
of  intermarriage  and  "corruption"  of  the  blood  is  cer 
tainly  a  feeling  common  to  present  and  ancient  times. 
But  surely  the  race- feeling  of  the  twentieth  century  is  a 
phenomenon  not  really  paralleled  in  ancient  times.  It 
would  be  hard,  perhaps,  to  state  the  differences  in  the 
"emotions  and  reasonings" ;  but  I  doubt  if  we  can  reason 
ably  assume  that  the  racial  self -consciousness  of  to-day 
makes  no  difference  in  the  attitude  of  the  "higher"  races 
toward  those  that  are  less  developed.  "Races"  are  not 
to  be  treated  as  "social  classes."  Indeed,  one  of  the  most 
important  features  of  the  investigation  of  the  negro 
problem  that  ought  to  be  made  is  just  this  complex  race- 
consciousness  of  "Teutonic"  peoples.) 

(6)  The  peculiarity  of  the  race-attitude  of  to-day  con 
sists  in  the  whites'  "retaining  a  distinct  social  status  in 
order  to  avoid  race-mixture." 

(Even  so:  and  our  author  might  go  further  and  in 
sist  on  a  careful  study  of  the  relations  of  social  "rights" 
to  political  and  civic  rights,  because,  in  the  South,  at 
least,  it  seems  to  be  assumed  that  all  the  "equalities"  are 
at  bottom  based  on  potential  social  equality. 


"Cfte  9@inD  of  Ptimititoe  fi®an"      227 


If  a  careful  scientific  observer  like  Professor  Boas 
should  study  the  race-feeling  of  the  Southern  whites,  I 
think  he  would  find  that  belief  in  the  racial  inferiority  of 
the  negroes  is  common  to  practically  all  whites  of  the 
South.  Scientific  investigation  must  give  unequivocal 
proofs  of  the  negro's  practical  equality  with  the  whites 
with  respect  to  body  and  mind  before  the  "prejudice" 
features  of  the  fear  of  racial  intermixture  can  be  at  all 
reasonably  attacked. 

Under  the  circumstances  should  we  attempt  to  weaken 
the  "color  line"  in  any  respect?  That  is  the  real  race 
question.  If  mixture  of  the  races  can  be  proved  to  have 
no  deleterious  effect;  if  it  can  be  shown  that  the  ab 
sorption  of  the  negro  population  by  the  whites  would 
not  lower  the  potency  of  white  blood,  then  there  would 
at  least  be  room  for  argument.  But,  with  a  reasonable 
presumption  against  negro  "equality"  nothing  should  be 
done  that  even  squints  at  the  ultimate  obliteration  of 
Southern  race-consciousness.  Here  we  stand  squarely 
with  Professor  W.  B.  Smith  and  others  that  agree  with 
him.) 

STUDY  OF  THE  RACE  PROBLEM 

(  i  )  We  should  be  ashamed  that  our  government  and 
our  great  institutions  of  scientific  research  have  not 
studied  the  negro  question. 

(2)  Practically  the  whole  work  of  investigation  of 
race-mixture  needs  to  be  done. 

COMMENT 

Professor  Boas'  plea  for  the  study  of  the  race  ques 
tion  is  the  most  notable  thing  in  his  book.  The  race 


228       mace  a>rtboDo*p  in  tbe  @>outi) 

question  £y  a  problem,  as  he  clearly  sees.  Even  if  the 
study  of  race-mixture  be  by  no  means  the  only  important 
item  to  be  investigated,  a  judicial,  scientific  pronounce 
ment  on  that  matter  alone  would  be  of  incalculable  ad 
vantage.  It  would  sharpen  the  whole  issue,  as  well  as 
give  us  some  practical  data  to  work  with.  So  long  as 
"race-prejudice"  is  largely  based  on  belief  in  negro  in 
feriority — and  Professor  Boas  could  hardly  claim  to  have 
deprived  that  belief  of  all  validity — we  should  be  very 
cautious  in  attempting  to  modify  a  race  feeling  that 
probably  has  a  rational  basis. 

The  real  strength  of  race- feeling  in  the  South  does 
not,  of  course,  reside  in  race-enmity,  nor  even  in  race- 
pride,  but  rather  in  the  conscientious  belief  that  under 
lies  Professor  W.  B.  Smith's  "plea  for  the  unborn." 

Nor  must  we  underrate  the  significance  of  strong  feel 
ing,  even  when  it  leads  to  excess  of  rhetoric  and  "emo 
tional  clamor."  Feeling  affects  votes  and  policies;  and 
so  long  as  it  cannot  be  shown  that  feeling  has  no  prob 
able  validity,  sympathy  for  "primitives"  and  abstract  be 
liefs  in  the  equality  of  human  "rights"  have  no  sort  of 
chance  for  victory  as  opposed  to  race  "prejudice." 

I  daresay  that  Professor  Boas  and  other  prominent 
men  of  science  are  quite  ready  to  admit  that  the  psychol 
ogy  of  race-attitude  is  a  very  important  phase  of  the  race 
question  and  needs  careful  scientific  study.  Hence,  in 
the  division  of  labor  that  must  obtain  when  a  systematic 
scientific,  cooperative  research  is  organized,  we  may 
safely  assume,  I  think,  that  all  thoughtful  scientific  men 
will  welcome  the  inclusion  of  psychological  and  socio 
logical  study  in  the  scope  of  the  investigation. 

Should  science  show,  in  spite  of  the  reasonable  pre 
sumption  to  the  contrary,  that  the  absorption  of  the 
negroes  within  the  white  population  could  produce  no 


"C&e  9§inD  of  primitttie  Q^an"      229 

serious  consequences,  it  may  be,  nevertheless,  that  im 
partial  science  will  come  to  see  the  inadvisability  of 
having  race- friction  continue  for  a  long  period  of  years 
because  of  a  tenacious  race-consciousness  based  on 
aesthetic  distaste,  economic  competition,  growing  "physi 
ological  dislike,"  and  perhaps  other  factors  that  may  be 
pointed  out  by  an  investigation.  The  agitation  in  Cali 
fornia  against  the  Japanese  is  itself  of  sufficient  diagnos 
tic  and  prognostic  importance  to  demand  immediate  sci 
entific  study. 

Pending  the  organization  of  scientific  investigation  of 
the  negro  problem,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  we  shall  have 
more  books  like  that  of  Professor  Boas,  the  temper  of 
which  is  so  admirable  and  its  statements  so  authorita 
tive  and  judicial,  even  though  their  speculative  element 
must  necessarily  be  large. 


C.     Views  in  a  Club. 

I.    CLUB   FOR   THE   STUDY   OF  THE   NEGRO 
QUESTION 

(Nov.,  1911.     Read  before  a  club.) 

Nowadays,  to  the  making  of  clubs  there  is  no  end. 
Many  of  them  have  no  sufficient  reason  for  existence. 
When,  therefore,  several  very  busy  men  undertake  to 
establish  a  new  club  they  ought,  in  the  interest  of  their 
reputation  for  sane  common  sense,  to  give  a  clear-cut 
reason  for  their  action.  Having  been  requested  by  the 
original  promoter  of  the  club  to  give  some  sort  of  apol 
ogy  for  the  club's  desire  to  live,  I  propose  to  put  forward 
several  questions  that  would  seem  to  be  pertinent,  and 
attempt  to  give  definite  and  rational  answers  that  may 
prove  suggestive  to  the  members. 

I.  Is  a  club  for  the  study  of  the  negro  question  an 
undertaking  that  is  worth  while  in  itself? 

Yes:  because  the  negro  question  is  intensely  human 
and  hence  interesting ;  connected  with  the  welfare  of  the 
club  members  and  their  families,  community,  state  and 
nation,  and  hence  practically  important;  obscured  by 
clouds  of  passion  and  prejudice  and  vapors  of  sentimen 
tality  and  cynicism,  and  therefore  needing  the  genial  and 
stimulating  light  of  moral  and  intellectual  tolerance  and 
open-mindedness. 

On  account  of  the  national  importance  of  our  study, 
in  case  we  attempt  it  seriously,  Vicksburg  is  a  peculiarly 
appropriate  place  for  the  projected  club.  The  Vicksburg 
National  Military  Park  threads  its  way  between  city  and 

230 


Club  for  StuDg  of  Ji2e0to  Question  231 

county  domain,  between  private  property  and  church 
property,  and  its  outlook  tower,  hard  by  a  school  for 
Christian  education,  is  a  symbol  that  our  club  might  well 
adopt  as  expressive  of  our  desire  to  look  calmly  over 
the  situation  from  a  standpoint  that  includes  within  its 
horizon  city  and  county,  state  and  section,  and  our  nation 
upon  which  the  stars  look  down  so  peacefully  to-day, 
but  whose  peace  and  higher  prosperity  have  often  been 
endangered  and  may  yet  again  be  threatened  by  the  situ 
ation  that  President  Taft  speaks  of  as  "the  most  serious 
facing  the  American  people." 

II.  What  can  we  expect  to  gain  from  such  a  study? 
Besides  the  considerations  already  adduced,  we  may 

expect  to  bring  about  one  or  all  of  the  following  results : 
The  better  understanding  of  study  material  close  to 
hand ;  the  production  of  a  typical  club  that  may  stimulate 
the  formation  of  others  like  unto  it;  the  demonstration 
that  typical  callings  like  medicine,  business,  the  ministry 
and  teaching  can  work  successfully  together  on  a  prob 
lem  that  affects  our  entire  civilization.  Who  knows  that 
this  club  may  not  be  the  beginning  of  a  scientific,  prac 
tical  and  Christian  study  of  the  negro  problem  by  the 
qualified  people  of  this  whole  country? 

III.  Why  should  we  study  the  negro  question  just  at 
this  time? 

Because  it  is  the  dominant  question  in  the  economic, 
social,  political  and  religious  life  of  our  state  and  the 
South,  and  perhaps  the  most  serious  problem  that  con 
fronts  the  nation,  the  church  and  humanity.  Further 
more,  a  presidential  election  is  coming  on  and  promises  to 
result  in  the  election  of  a  man  of  fearless  and  inde 
pendent,  truth-loving  spirit.*  With  an  occupant  of  the 
presidential  chair  who  is  at  once  a  scholar,  a  patriot  and 

*  Governor  Woodrow  Wilson. 


232        Race  DctboDorp  in  rbe  §>outi) 

a  practical  man  of  affairs,  and  at  the  same  time  one  who 
has  a  Christian  spirit  and  a  humanitarian  outlook,  we 
may  expect  a  thoroughgoing  attempt  to  have  our  national 
problems  studied  disinterestedly  and  scientifically.  Fur 
thermore,  this  question  will  likely  engage  the  attention 
of  the  Triennial  Convention  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church,  a  church  that  seems  determined  to  claim  its 
responsibility  toward  the  negro  race,  and  which  is  in 
close  touch  with  the  national  church  of  England,  whose 
leaders  are  also  facing  a  great  question  of  race  in  South 
Africa. 

IV.  What  shall  be  the  scope  of  our  study? 

We  should  use  the  typical  material  that  Vicksburg 
locally  commands — hill  and  delta ;  city  and  country ;  river 
traffic  and  railroad  lines;  Mississippi  and  Louisiana. 
Then,  too,  we  should  use  the  special  interests  and  talents 
of  our  members,  who  are  unusually  representative  of  the 
various  points  of  view  from  which  the  question  may  be 
studied.  One  can  reach  material  of  the  economic  and 
legal  kind;  another,  material  medical  and  anthropologi 
cal;  another,  facts  pertaining  to  religious,  moral  and 
ecclesiastical  matters;  the  fourth,  psychological  and  edu 
cational  data. 

V.  What  shall  be  our  method  ? 

As  in  the  preceding  question,  so  in  this  and  others  that 
follow,  the  club  itself  will  have  to  determine  what  it 
wants  to  do.  The  suggestions  here  given  are  simply 
tentative  and  suggestive.  I  would  suggest,  in  order  to 
start  the  discussion  in  definite  fashion,  that  the  following 
phases  be  considered  in  our  planning :  i .  That  the  mem 
bers  take  turns  in  leading  the  discussion,  preferably 
through  papers,  and  that  each  be  furnished  with  a  copy 
of  the  paper  that  is  read.  2.  That  the  papers  be  based 
on  observations,  conversations,  letters,  readings,  as  well 


Club  for  Stilts  of  Jl2egro  Question  233 

as  on  well-ascertained  first-hand  facts  when  they  can  be 
got.  3.  That  a  record  be  kept  of  the  discussions.  4. 
That  a  schedule  for  eight  meetings  be  arranged,  consist 
ing  of  one  paper  from  each  member  of  the  club  as  at 
present  constituted,  followed  by  a  paper  or  discussion 
based  on  the  members'  papers,  by  some  invited  guest 
who  is  well  qualified  to  add  something  to  the  discussion. 

5.  That  whenever  the  club  is  unanimously  of  the  opinion 
that  a  visitor  would  be  of  service  in  the  discussion  of 
the  topic,  efforts  be  made  to  have  such  a  person  attend. 

6.  That  our  proceedings  and  the  record  thereof  be  so 
conducted  that  it  will  be  possible  to  prepare  our  results, 
or  some  portion  of  them,  for  publication,  without  undue 
expenditure  of  time  and  effort. 

VI.  How  can  we  secure  among  ourselves  a  fair,  im 
partial  and  disinterested  attitude  with  regard  to  the  ques 
tion  before  us  ? 

By  cultivating  a  mental  attitude  formed  by  something 
like  the  following  processes :  Full,  frank  and  explicit 
statement  of  views;  sincere  self-criticism  and  patient 
submission  to  the  incisive  criticism  of  others ;  sifting  and 
verifying  all  alleged  facts;  questioning  all  generaliza 
tions;  willingness  to  doubt  views  not  sustained  by  veri 
fied  facts;  eschewing  right  heartily  the  vice  of  infalli 
bility  with  regard  to  our  own  feelings,  impressions,  views 
and  habitual  attitudes. 

VII.  With  whom  shall  we  cooperate  ? 

With  those  who  can  probably  be  got  to  favor  and  pro 
mote  a  scientific  and  a  Christian  study  of  the  question. 
Professional  philanthropy  and  dilettante  juggling  with 
statistics  should  be  no  more  to  our  taste  than  partisan 
politics  and  effervescent  emotionalism.  Careful  workers 
like  Hoffman,  Boas,  DuBois  and  Odum,  even  though 
they  may  have  their  personal  views  that  we  need  not 


234       Kace  SDttftoDojg  in  tfie  8>outf) 

accept,  can  help  us  because  of  their  sincerity  and  their 
fitness  to  do  investigational  work.  Some  of  the  promi 
nent  church  leaders  hold  balanced  and  statesmanlike  po 
sitions  and  can  aid  us  in  our  study  of  the  relation  of 
Christianity  to  our  problem.  Occasionally  we  may  find 
one  who  is  not  a  professed  student  of  the  problem,  but 
who  is  nevertheless  well  qualified  by  temperament  and 
experience  and  native  insight  to  further  our  study.  It 
should  be  a  part  of  our  task  to  get  into  touch  with  repre 
sentatives  of  the  classes  just  mentioned,  and  to  help 
them  as  well  as  try  to  be  helped  by  them. 

VIII.  Shall  we  set  forth  the  basal  assumptions  on 
which  we  proceed?  If  so,  what  are  they? 

Yes,  we  should  be  clearly  conscious  of  what  we  regard 
as  necessary  fundamental  assumptions,  if  we  would  avoid 
cross-purposes  and  the  generation  of  heat  rather  than 
light. 

What  these  assumptions  are  must  be  determined  later. 
Just  now  I  shall  venture  to  state  two  that  I  regard  as  all- 
important:  i.  We  should  hold  to  the  general  principles 
of  organic,  psychical  and  social  evolution  as  indicated  in 
the  celebrated  phrases,  Natural  Selection  and  The  Sur 
vival  of  the  Fittest.  We  must  regard  ourselves  as  a 
chosen  people,  and  therefore  with  no  right  to  lower  the 
standard  of  our  race  and  nation.  2.  We  should  firmly 
hold  to  the  broad  principles  of  Christianity  and  De 
mocracy,  and  the  sane  principles  of  liberty,  equality  and 
fraternity  which  spring  from  Christian  and  democratic 
principles. 

I  think  that  we  dare  not  deny  either  the  naturalistic  or 
the  idealistic  basis  of  modern  thought.  If  these  two 
general  assumptions  do  not  seem  to  square  with  each 
other,  it  behooves  us  to  reconcile  them  as  well  as  we  may, 
but  on  no  account  give  up  either  of  them.  Nature  and 


Club  for  StuDp  of  i!3egro  Ctuestion  235 

spirit  cannot  ultimately  be  at  war.  If  we  are  merely 
naturalistic,  we  shall  assuredly  be  lacking  in  apprecia 
tion  of  the  spiritual  values  without  which  our  civilization 
is  vain.  If  we  take  the  spiritual  point  of  view  only,  we 
are  in  danger  of  leaving  the  truths  of  science  out  of 
account,  and  these  truths  must  come  from  the  same 
Author  who  is  the  Source  of  spiritual  power. 

There  is  a  third  assumption  that  is  a  necessary  impli 
cation  of  what  has  just  been  said,  and  which  must  be 
held  if  we  do  not  wish  to  indulge  merely  in  more  or  less 
pleasing  intellectual  exercise, — namely,  that  the  so-called 
negro  question  is  a  real  problem,  but  one  which  can  be 
solved. 

IX.  Having  in  our  club  representatives  of  the  busi 
ness,  clerical,  medical  and  psychological  attitudes,  shall 
we  call  in  representatives  of  the  legal,  literary  and  other 
viewpoints  ? 

Yes,  if  our  own  little  group,  after  assimilating  one 
another,  believes  that  it  can  assimilate  others  sufficiently 
like-minded  with  ourselves.  Hence  it  is  advisable  for 
us  to  understand  one  another  pretty  thoroughly  before 
attempting  to  introduce  others  who  may  waste  our  time 
or  who  may  have  temperaments  or  attitudes  that  cannot 
be  got  to  work  harmoniously  with  our  own.  We  have 
no  monopoly  of  the  negro  question,  and  others  are  per 
fectly  free  to  discuss  the  question  and  form  clubs  in 
any  way  they  may  wish.  Hence,  under  the  heading  of 
"organization,"  I  shall  advocate  plans  that  will  tend  to 
keep  our  club  from  dissipating  its  energies  and  yet  at 
the  same  time  keep  itself  in  touch  with  the  very  best 
thought  on  the  subject  in  which  we  are  interested. 

X.  What  shall  be  our  organization? 

Again  I  give  a  few  suggestions  merely  for  the  purpose 
of  starting  the  discussion,  for  the  club  itself  ought  to 


236       Race  DrtftoDorp  in  tfte  §>outf) 

determine  its  own  organization,  after  each  member  has 
been  heard  fully. 

1.  Meetings  every  fortnight,  on  a  definite  night  of 
the  week. 

2.  Meetings  held  in  rotation  at  the  members'  homes. 

3.  Definite  time-limit  for  adjournment. 

4.  Host  to  notify  members  and  guests  on  the  day  of 
the  meeting,  and  to  act  as  chairman. 

5.  Agreement  as  to  nature  and  time  of  refreshments 
(evening  meal?). 

6.  No  new  members  without  unanimous  consent. 

7.  No  new  member  to  be  elected  until  he  has  visited 
the  club  at  least  three  times,  and  has  agreed  to  the  plans 
and  procedure  of  the  club. 

8.  Invitations  to  guests  only  by  unanimous  consent. 

9.  No  publicity  to  proceedings  except  by  unanimous 
consent.* 

10.  No  dues,  except  payment  of  the  expenses  of  visi 
tors  and  special  dues  by  unanimous  consent. 

If  the  club  wishes  it  I  shall  present  orally  a  list  of 
subjects,  with  suggestions  as  to  the  points  needing  inves 
tigation;  also  a  list  of  speakers  and  topics  for  the  next 
eight  meetings,  alternating  members  and  visitors  in  such 
wise  that  there  will  be  two  discussions  on  each  topic,  one 
led  by  a  member  and  another  by  a  visitor. 

I  am  also  prepared  to  give  a  list  of  books  that  are 
accessible,  most  of  which  I  have  worked  over  quite  care 
fully.  If  each  member  can  procure  a  book  or  two,  we 
shall  easily  be  able  to  get  access  to  the  chief  works  on 
the  subject  that  are  worth  while. 

*  Acting  in  the  spirit  of  this  paper,  I  secured  the  consent  of 
each  member  of  the  club  before  making  public  use  of  club  material. 
I  thank  these  gentlemen  for  giving  their  cordial  consent. 


Clufi  for  StuDp  of  Jl3e0ro  duestfon  237 

I  may  also  state  that  I  have  written  a  number  of  papers 
on  our  subject  and  shall  be  glad  to  have  the  members 
make  use  of  them.  They  may  not  have  much  value,  but 
will  at  least  prove  suggestive,  coming  as  they  do  from 
one  who  has  made  a  somewhat  special  study  of  the  ques 
tion  during  the  last  eight  years. 


II.    PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  WATCHTOWER 

CLUB 

(Dec.  i,  1911,  to  Jan.  12,  1912) 

(These  notes  are  given  simply  as  a  "sample."  I  wish  to  thank 
the  members  of  the  club  for  permission  to  publish  these  "minutes.") 

The  club  began  its  existence  in  this  wise:  A  certain 
clergyman  was  very  much  interested  in  the  discussion  in 
the  Episcopal  church  relative  to  the  negro,  and  found 
himself  anxious  to  know  more  about  the  whole  subject. 
Finding  that  a  certain  psychologist  and  educator  whom 
he  had  come  to  know  well  had  been  working  on  the  negro 
question  for  eight  years,  said  clergyman  proposed  one 
evening  that  an  informal  club  be  organized,  to  consist 
of  four  members :  the  clergyman,  the  educator,  a  promi 
nent  physician,  and  a  prominent  business  man — all  na 
tive  Southerners  (a  Virginian,  a  South  Carolinian,  and 
two  Mississippians),  all  Democrats  and  all  Episcopal 
ians.  The  proposer  further  suggested  that  meetings  be 
held  every  fortnight  after  the  evening  meal;  that  each 
member  entertain  in  turn;  that  no  publicity  be  given  to 
the  meetings;  that  no  more  members  be  added  until  the 
four  charter  members  had  assimilated  one  another's 
views;  that  the  educator  formulate  a  plan  for  the  first 
meeting.  The  clergyman  agreed  to  speak  to  the  others 
mentioned  for  membership. 

Here  follow  brief  notes  of  the  meetings;  the  papers 
read;  the  discussions  held;  and  other  matters  more  or 

238 


Processings  of  KBatcfttotoer  Club     239 

less  pertinent  to  the  club  and  its  purpose.  Roman  figures 
refer  to  meetings,  Arabic  figures  to  remarks  made  by 
individuals. 

I.     (Dec.  i,  1911) 

One  absent ;  one  tired ;  one  the  host ;  the  fourth,  reader 
of  the  outline  plan. 

The  following  paper  was  read  by  the  psychologist- 
educator:  (See  paper  by  T.  P.  B.  Title— Club  for  the 
Study  of  the  Negro  Question.) 


DISCUSSION 

Paper  and  its  plan  approved.  Some  talk  about  books 
mentioned  by  the  writer  of  the  paper.  Desultory  discus 
sion.  Net  result :  Recommendations  of  paper  adopted ; 
supper  voted  successful;  tired  man  got  a  little  livelier 
after  digestion  got  a  headway;  amicable  adjournment. 

II.     (Dec.  1 6,  1911) 

All  members  present.  Prominent  ecclesiastic  of  the 
Episcopal  church  also  present  as  invited  guest.  Chair 
man  explains  object  of  club  to  guest. 

REMARKS  OF  THE  GUEST 

I  am  especially,  and  naturally,  interested  in  the  spirit 
ual  side  of  this  question,  for  it  is  fundamental,  in  all  deep 
human  questions,  and  especially  in  this  one  wherein  the 
interests  of  civilization  and  Christianity  are  at  stake. 

Trying  to  make  a  hopeful  start  in  the  discussion,  I 
want  to  say  that  I  think  the  negro  is  gaining  industrially 


240       Race  ffi)rtt)oDQ£p  in  tfce 

and  morally  through  industrial  education.  (Here  the 
guest  mentioned  several  towns  in  his  state  where  negro 
farming  is  improving  on  account  of  the  work  of  negro 
industrial  schools.)  It  is  interesting  and  important  to 
note  that  white  people  who  have  been  opposed  to  the 
negro  industrial  schools  in  these  communities  are  now 
among  their  warmest  friends. 

The  only  apparently  valid  objections  that  I  have  heard 
urged  against  these  schools  is  that  their  graduates  do  not 
become  better  laborers  and  cooks  and  nurses  working  for 
the  whites  in  the  community,  but  go  out  into  "higher 
class"  occupations.  I  regard  this  as  inevitable,  in  the 
case  of  both  whites  and  blacks.  The  demand  for  trained 
labor  is  larger  than  the  supply,  and  we  cannot  expect 
these  trained  negroes  not  to  be  snapped  up  by  those  who 
need  them  in  more  technical  and  more  highly  paid  work. 

As  I  started  out  by  saying,  the  spiritual  aspect  of  the 
question  is  all-important.  The  best  industrial  schools 
will  amount  to  nothing  if  character  is  not  improved  by 
them;  but  it  so  happens  that  training  for  honest  labor 
is  the  best  introduction  to  spiritual  culture,  especially  in 
a  race  that  has  not  learned  the  dignity  of  labor.  Many 
individuals  in  the  South  are  willing  to  give  the  negro 
industrial  education,  but  balk  at  giving  them  the  suf 
frage.  In  my  opinion,  such  political  questions  are  not 
important.  The  suffrage  is  not  a  right,  but  a  privilege. 
Usefulness  and  happiness  do  not  depend  on  it.  With 
holding  the  suffrage  is  a  matter  of  social  expediency. 
Real  freedom  comes  through  the  freedom  of  spiritual 
life.  Religion  frees  men  from  sin,  wrong,  materialism, 
ignorance,  which  are  the  things  that  really  enslave.  The 
suffrage  does  not  free  the  real  spirit.  Onesimus  was 
a  freeman  of  Christ,  though  he  remained  a  slave. 


proceeDing*  of  caatcJnotocr  Club     241 

DISCUSSION 

1.  Do  not  civilization,   democracy  and  Christianity 
include  political  privileges  in  their  program  of  freedom? 

2.  Yes,  and  these  privileges  ought  to  come  in  time; 
but  they  are  not  now  socially  expedient. 

3.  The  trouble  is  that  most  whites  in  substance  de 
cline  to  look  on  the  negro  as  a  fellowman  in  any  worth 
while  way.     This  is  the  crux  of  the  question,  and  spirit 
ual  freedom  can  hardly  come  under  such  circumstances. 
I  see  little  hope  for  the  negro's  advance  in  civilization 
when  I  reflect  that  the  negro  enjoyed  intercourse  with 
the  high  civilization  of  North  Africa  for  generations,  but 
seemed  to  get  nothing  from  it. 

4.  We  know  very  little  of  what  they  did  get.    Indeed, 
white  civilization  of  that  region  and  of  many  others 
seemed  to  get  wiped  out,  leaving  very  little  behind.    The 
average  modern  Greek  bears  little  resemblance  to  the 
free  Athenian  citizen  of  the  age  of  Pericles.     Besides, 
African  tribes  did  seem  to  gain   something  from  the 
Arabs  they  came  into  contact  with,  for  the  tribes  with 
Arab  blood  seem  to  be  the  highest.     And  it  may  be  that 
environmental  influence  as  well  as  inherited  traits  helped 
to  bring  these  favored  tribes  up  to  a  higher  standard. 

5.  Ancient  civilization  had  too  little  spirituality  to 
do  much  for  the  negro  or  any  other  subordinate  people. 

6.  Perhaps;  but,  as  Bryce  and  Boas  point  out,  our 
modern  race  prejudice  seemed  to  be  little  in  evidence  in 
ancient  times ;  and  negroes  probably  had  as  good  a  chance 
proportionately  as  had   any  other  subordinate  people. 
We  find  no  ancient   records  of  prejudice  against  the 
negroes.     But  it  is  precarious  to  draw  any  conclusions 
from  a  situation  that  we  know  so  little  about,  more 
especially  as  we  find  it  only  too  difficult  now  to  draw 


242       mace  DrtfjoDorp  in  tfte 

any  satisfactory  conclusions  about  any  present  aspect 
of  the  negro  question,  even  when  prejudice  does  not 
blind  us. 

7.  This  whole  problem  is  complicated  by  the   fact 
that  there  are  very  few  pure  negroes. 

8.  There  are,  I  think,  very  many  negroes  who  are 
near  enough  full-blooded  to  count  as  pure  negroes  for 
all  practical  purposes.    Those  extremists  who  deny  that 
there  are  any  full-blooded  negroes  should  apply  their  de 
ductions  to  the  whole  human  race.     There  are  no  pure 
races  anywhere.    However,  it  is  no  doubt  true  that  some 
branches  of  the  white  race  amalgamate  with  the  negroes 
more  readily  than  do  others,  and  there  may  be  biological 
reasons  for  the  fact.    Undoubtedly  one  of  our  members 
was  right  in  saying  that  the  psychology  of  race  prejudice 
is  fundamental  in  the  discussion  of  the  whole  question, 
and  another  member  may  be  right  in  holding  that  there 
is  a  biological  reason  for  differences  in  race  prejudice. 
Some  ethnologists  hold  that  the  "Mediterranean  race" 
in  prehistoric  times  got  an  infusion  of  negro  blood. 
Others  think  that  the  Japanese  have  negro  blood   in 
them.     If  these  authorities  are  right,  we  should  not  in 
discriminately   claim  that  amalgamation   leads  to  bad 
biological    and    psychological    results.      However,    this 
phase  of  the  question  need  not  concern  us  practically, 
for  the  Southern  whites  will  not  entertain  the  idea  of 
amalgamation,  and  none  of  us  wants  them  to  do  so. 
Opposition  to  amalgamation,  now  and  hereafter,  and 
disbelief  in  the  advisability  or  the  practical  possibility  of 
it,  are  two  of  the  planks  in  the  club's  platform  of  assump 
tions  wherewith  we  begin  the  study  of  the  negro  question. 


Proceedings  of  Cflatcfnotoer  Club     243 

III.     (Dec.  28,  1911) 

No  guest  present.  The  business  man  discussed  in 
formally  : 

Treatment  of  the  Negro  in  the  Courts 

The  negro  is  better  treated  in  Virginia  than  in  Missis 
sippi.  Older  traditions  and  fewer  negroes. 

In  a  certain  locality  well  known  to  me  negroes  are 
convicted  for  the  same  crimes  committed  under  the  same 
conditions  and  through  the  same  kind  and  amount  of 
proof, — I  claim,  I  say,  that  negroes  are  convicted  under 
conditions  practically  identical  with  those  that  lead  to 
acquittal  of  whites.  This  is  notoriously  true  of  trials  for 
murder.  (Here  the  business  man  gave  some  illustra 
tions.  ) 

2.  But  are  not  whites  prosecuted  and  sometimes  con 
victed  for  crimes  that  negroes  are  not  even  prosecuted 
for, — for  instance,  bigamy  ? 

3.  Yes ;  but  that  indicates  how  little  the  whites  regard 
the  sacredness  of  family  life  among  the  negroes. 

4.  I  for  one  cannot  help  taking  up  for  the  negroes 
on  occasions  when  they  are  unjustly  treated  in  my  own 
town;  but  when  I  go  North  I  am  not  willing  to  admit 
that  negroes  are  generally  unfairly  treated  in  the  South. 

5.  Yes,  many  Southern  writers  and  speakers  seem  to 
share  your  attitude  on  the  subject.     They  do  not  feel 
called  on  to  tell  the  whole  truth,  even  when  telling  noth 
ing  but  the  truth.     And  when  one  does  not  tell  the  whole 
truth  he  is  more  than  likely  to  tell  the  truth  he  does  tell 
in  discriminating  fashion  that  may  really  lead  to  obscura 
tion  of  substantial  truth.     What  we  need  are  facts  and 
figures  properly  explained,  and  a  belief  that  the  whole 
truth  is  best  in  the  long  run. 


244       Race  SDrtijoDoip  in  tbe  S>ow|) 

6.  I  have  little  faith  in  facts  and  figures  in  such  mat 
ters  as  this.     White  men  are  declared  to  be  innocent  be 
cause  "whites  are  not  criminal" ;  negroes  are  declared  to 
be  "criminal  in  nature,"  and  hence  in  the  interests  of 
society  should  not  have  the  benefit  of  the  doubt.    There 
is  always  a  precedent  presumption  of  the  white  man's 
innocence  and  the  negro's  guilt,  and  hence  "facts  and 
figures"  mean  nothing. 

7.  True  enough,   facts  and   figures  may  be  misin 
terpreted;  but  if  we  had  stenographic  accounts  of  trials 
and  all  the  circumstances  of  the  cases  detailed,  even  a 
few  typical  cases  would  show  whether  or  not  race  preju 
dice  interfered  with  true  judgments.     If  we  are  to  give 
up  truth-seeking  simply  because  it  is  hard  to  establish 
the  truth,  our  club  has  no  reason  for  existence.    If  truth- 
loving    conservatives    will    band    themselves    together 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  South,  radical 
public  opinion  cannot  hurt  it,  provided  the  conservatives 
convince  the  radicals,  as  they  can  very  easily,  that  con 
servatives  believe  as  much  in  white  supremacy  as  the 
radicals  do,  and  are  as  averse  to  amalgamation  and  to 
sentimental  philanthropic  abstractions.     But  so  long  as 
educated  and  morally  enlightened  people  stifle  the  truth 
and  put  local  patriotism  or  "economic  necessity"  before 
the  white  light  of  truth,  we  cannot  hope  to  have  the 
negro  problem  studied.     Give  us  a  number  of  actual 
parallel  cases  wherein  whites  and  blacks,  respectively, 
are  concerned,  and  let  the  record  speak  for  itself.     If 
the  United  States  Government  did  not  take  care  of  cases 
of  peonage,  Southerners  going  North  on  a  visit  would 
be  ordinarily  unwilling  to  admit  the  existence  of  peon 
age  at  the  South.     Even  as  things  are,  when  Northerners 
come  South  we  carefully  distract  their  attention  from 
the  raw  places  in  our  civilization,  for  they  readily  re- 


of  SHatc&totoer  Clufi     245 

spend  to  our  well-known  urbanity  and  hospitality.  They 
pass  by  cases  of  practical  peonage  right  under  their 
noses,  because  they  do  not  know  where,  when,  or  how 
to  look  for  them,  unless  such  cases  are  very  gross  and 
plainly  illegal,  so  that  evidence  is  well  on  the  surface. 

8.  But  isn't  it  perfectly  evident   from  a  study  of 
lynchings  that  the  blacks  suffer  from  race  prejudice? 

9.  Yes,  to  us  that  know  all  the  circumstances.     But 
how  often  do  we  know  the  circumstances,  and  how  much 
better  is  a  case  at  law  where  we  can  obtain  accurate 
results  and  can  study  the  phenomena  at  our  leisure? 
Moreover,  isn't  it  dangerous  for  us  to  take  sides  against 
our  own  people  without  having  a  great  mass  of  indis 
putable  facts  and  figures  to  sustain  us  ?     Finally,  what 
we  think  is  not  so  important  as  what  we  can  prove.    Who 
knows  that  lynchings  are  due  to  race  hatred  rather  than 
to  fear  that  the  negroes  will  rebel  against  the  whites? 
Isn't  there  much  of  something  akin  to  hysteria  about 
lynchings?     And  should  we  risk  our  case  on  such  ab 
normal  phenomena,  when  we  can  get  accurate  facts  in 
the  courts?    If  the  South  is  to  lead  in  this  investigation, 
let  us  begin  by  telling  the  whole  truth  and  shaming  the 
devil.     It  is  not  enough  to  get  facts  and  figures :    we 
need  to  get  detail,  accurately  taken  and  transcribed,  with 
all  the  attendant  circumstances.    Further:   we  must  not 
claim  that  a  large  humanitarian  question  concerns  us 
alone.    Such  Bourbonism  does  not  fit  the  twentieth  cen 
tury,  and  the  world  will  no  more  admit  our  claim  than 
it  did  in  the  case  of  slavery. 

Our  club  members  are  all  Southern  sympathizers,  and 
believe  in  the  substance  of  the  Southern  contention.  But 
are  we  prepared  to  give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that  is  in 
us?  And  are  we  prepared  to  study  this  question  scien 
tifically?  If  so,  we  must  away  with  suppression  of 


246        Race  SDrtftoDorp  in  tfte 

truth.  If  we  have  a  case,  let  us  stand  by  the  facts,  all 
the  facts,  and  nothing  but  the  facts,  so  help  us  God. 
Let  us  take  the  lead  in  this  investigation,  not  only  be 
cause  we  are  most  concerned,  but  also  because  we  have 
nothing  to  conceal  and  are  willing  for  science  to  probe 
to  the  uttermost.  Covering  up  yellow-fever  did  not  pay ; 
assuredly  attempts  to  hide  any  portion  of  the  truth  will 
lead  to  failure  and  shame,  and  will  hopelessly  discredit 
us  in  the  eyes  of  humanity. 

IV.     (Jan.  12,  1912) 

No  one  was  ready  with  a  paper.  A  distinguished 
guest  was  fortunately  present.  We  discovered  that  he 
had  a  paper  on  the  need  of  more  missionary  effort  on 
behalf  of  the  negroes.  So  we  prevailed  on  him  to  read 
his  paper. 

DISCUSSION 

The  paper  may  reach  our  records  ultimately.  But  we 
must  content  ourselves  now  with  a  few  notes  furnished 
by  one  of  our  number  who  had  been  asked  to  make  sug 
gestions  with  regard  to  the  paper. 

1.  I  don't  think  it  quite  accurate  to  say  that  there  is 
any  degree  of  growing  skepticism  and  cynicism  among 
the  negroes.     Most  of  them,   even  among  the  higher 
classes,  don't  know  enough  philosophy  to  be  either  skep 
tics  or  cynics.     They  are  becoming  more  careless  and 
indifferent,  less  docile  and  reverent,  more  interested  in 
other  things,  especially  their  lodges,  as  shown  by  Dr. 
H.  W.  Odum  in  his  recent  book. 

2.  In  regard  to  such  an  expression  as  ''persecuting 
the  church,"  I  should  prefer  to  say  that  Episcopalians 


proceeDing*  of  GHatcfttotoer  Club     247 

among  the  negroes  must  run  the  gauntlet  of  social  criti 
cism  and  sneering  because  they  are  few  in  number  and 
clearly  marked  off  aesthetically  and  socially  from  the 
great  masses  of  their  fellow-religionists.  Whether  this 
can  be  called  "persecution"  in  any  sense  is  a  question. 

3.  When  our  honored  guest  says  that  race  culture 
leads  to  race  pride,  and  that  to  race  segregation,  he  is 
speaking  of  a  tendency  native  to  most  of  us  of  the 
dominant  race.     Our  pride  is  based  on  belief   in  our 
superiority.     Does  the  negro  really  believe  in  his  superi 
ority  as  a  race  ?    And,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  superior 
negro  trying  to  claim  that  his  race  is  equal  to  the  white 
man  or  superior  to  him,  or  is  he  not  rather  claiming  his 
own  superiority  to  the  majority  of  the  whites  that  he 
personally  knows,  but  who  pretend  to  be  his  social  supe 
riors?    Do  not  these  superior  negroes  want  to  segregate 
with  their  spiritual  kind  rather  than  with  low,  illiterate 
people  of  their  own  race?    Are  they  willing  to  throw  in 
their  lot  entirely  with  the  lower  race?     All  these  ques 
tions  may  conceivably  be  answered  in  the  affirmative, 
or  in  the  negative;  but  I  am  not  willing  to  state  that 
race  culture  will  have  this  or  that  effect  when  I  know 
that  the  leaders  among  the  negroes  differ  among  them 
selves  on  this  question,  and  when  some  of  them  are  in 
censed  at  being  treated  as  members  of  a  race  rather  than 
as  gentlemen  by  the  grace  of  God.     Segregation  and 
race  patriotism  are  easy  in  the  absence  of  physical  pro 
pinquity,  but  not  so  easy  in  the  physical  presence  of  a 
dominant  race  that  will  on  no  account  admit  the  rights 
of  personality  for  its  own  sake  regardless  of  race,  color 
and  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

4.  In  this  whole  discussion  what  has  been  said  of 
our  duty  to  evangelize  the  negro  and  our  duty  of  prac 
ticing  Christian  love  is  all  right,  but  we  must  remember 


248       mace  SDrtftoDosp  in  tftc  S>outb 

that  neither  Christianity  alone  nor  science  alone  can 
solve  a  problem  like  this.  We  need  the  motive  of  the 
Christian  and  the  method  of  the  man  of  science. 

Another  member  of  the  club  made  some  trenchant 
remarks  as  to  the  unfitness  of  the  Episcopal  church  to 
deal  with  the  emotional  negro.  But  it  was  pointed  out 
that  the  English  church  does  deal  with  them  successfully 
in  Uganda,  in  Jamaica  and  elsewhere,  and  that  the 
Roman  Catholics  know  how  to  deal  with  them.  Be 
sides  this,  as  our  guest  well  said,  the  Episcopal  church 
need  not  impose  on  the  negro  the  exact  liturgical  and 
dogmatic  culture  that  it  bestows  on  its  white  members. 

Other  worth-while  remarks  were  made  by  other  mem 
bers,  but  the  scribe  was  not  forehanded  enough  to  get 
them  down. 


III.    THE  NEGRO  FROM  THE  PHYSICIAN'S 
POINT  OF  VIEW 

(Syllabus  prepared  at  the  request  of  a  prominent  physician.) 

"It  would  be  impossible,  as  well  as  unnecessary,  in  a 
contribution  of  this  character  to  review  in  detail  the 
general  physiological  peculiarities  which  distinguish  the 
negro  from  the  white  man.  The  same  general  complaint 
must  be  entered  here  as  in  dealing  with  other  phases  of 
the  comparative  study  of  the  race — viz.,  the  abundance 
of  personal  impressions  and  lack  of  actually  recorded 
facts."— Rudolph  Matas,  M.D.,  "The  Surgical  Peculiari 
ties  of  the  Negro,"  in  "Transactions  of  the  American 
Surgical  Association,"  1896,  p.  504. 

The  following  are  a  few  samples  of  the  kind  of  ulti 
mate  questions  that  need  to  be  asked  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  scientific  and  practical  physician  who  believes 
that  the  settlement  of  the  negro  question  is  dependent  in 
large  measure  on  the  physical  possibilities  of  the  negro 
race: 

i.  Is  the  negro  becoming  adapted  to  his  environment, 
physical  and  social?  Does  he  show  adaptability  superior 
to  that  shown  by  other  backward  races?  Is  there  any 
indication  in  his  physiological  functions  and  in  his 
anatomical  structure  that  he  is  capable  of  standing  the 
strain  of  civilization?  In  his  physical  nature  is  there 
any  indication  that  he  will  be  unable  to  found  an  inde 
pendent  civilization  of  his  own? 

249 


250        Race  DttftoDorp  in  tfie  Souti) 

2.  Is  he  showing  physical  improvement  or  is  he  de 
generating?     If  the  latter,  is  the  degeneration  due  to 
his  inherent  unfitness  or  is  it  due  to  preventable  causes? 
Is  there  any  indication  that  the  process  of  degeneration 
can  be  arrested  by  proper  hygienic  and  sanitary  meas 
ures? 

3.  What  are  the  differences  between  negroes  and 
whites  that  seem  to  have  a  bearing  on  the  general  ques 
tion?     (Color  and  hair,  for  instance,  seem  to  be  more 
stable  than  feature.)     How  far  are  the  differences  struc 
tural  and  how  far  functional?     (For  instance,  cranial 
sutures  and  their  alleged  premature  ossification.) 

4.  Has  the  negro  any  strong  potentialities  as  a  race  ? 
Is  it  true  that  he  has  physical  qualities  that  fit  him  for 
some  particular  phase  of  the  world's  work  and  progress  ? 

5.  What  are  the  real  effects  of  admixture  of  white 
blood?     Is  it  likely  that  mixture  of  negro  with  Mongo 
lian  would  have  good  results?     (The  Japanese,  for  in 
stance,  are  thought  to  have  negro  blood. )    Can  anything 
really  definitely  scientific  be  ascertained  as  to  the  stamina 
of  the  mulatto?     As  the  mulatto  merges  into  the  negro 
through  successive  darkenings,  does  the  resultant  mix 
ture  show  improvement  or  does  it  show  physical  weak 
ness  or  degeneration? 

6.  Through  the  processes  of  natural  selection  will 
the  negro  rise  by  means  of  the  superior  qualities  of  the 
minority  of  the  race  or  will  the  majority  assimilate  the 
minority  to  itself,  with  a  final  result  of  degeneration? 

7.  Is   there   anything   in   the  medical   and   surgical 
aspect  of  the  question  that  will  throw  light  on  the  negro's 
educability?     Does  he  stand  the  confinement  and  the 
strain  of  education  as  well  as  the  white  race  does?    Does 
he  really  show  a  slowing  down  of  intelligence  at  the 


from  Pf)g0ician'0  point  of  IWeto  251 

stage  of  adolescence,  or  is  this  true  only  of  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  race? 


SPECIAL  QUESTIONS 
I.     DIATHESIS,  TEMPERAMENT,  ETC. 

1.  Temperament.     What  real  facts  go  to  show  that 
the  negro  has  a  racial  temperament  (lymphatic,  accord 
ing  to  Matas  and  others)  ?    Is  there  something  of  the 
"peristaltic"  about  the  negro's  movements  and  reactions  ? 
Are  his  apparent  indifference  and  laziness  in  part  due  to 
this  peristaltic  type  of  reaction?     Is  he  losing  his  primi 
tive  "temperament"?     Has  his  apparent  "fibroid  diath 
esis"  anything  to  do  with  his  "lymphatic  temperament," 
or  are  both  these  expressions  vague  guesses  ? 

2.  Characteristic    Diseases.      Can   a    connection   be 
traced  between  the  negro's  supposed  temperament  and 
the  kinds  of  diseases  relatively  peculiar  to  him?     Is  he 
losing  his  supposed  peculiarities  with  regard  to  charac 
teristic  diseases?     Does  he  show  any  peculiarities  with 
regard  to  stimulants  and  narcotics?    Does  his  "temper 
ament"  show  itself  in  his  behavior  under  the  influence 
of  drugs?    Has  he  "favorite  medicines"?    Is  there  any 
indication  that  he  needs  to  be  treated  medicinally  in  a 
different  way  from  white  people? 

3.  Degeneration.     Does  he  show  characteristic  ab 
normalities?     Are  they  in  any  wise  diathetic?     Are  his 
stigmata  of  degeneration  as  pronounced  as  in  the  case 
of  the  whites?    Does  he  increasingly  show  a  tendency 
to  develop  these  stigmata?    How  does  he  compare  with 
the  whites  as  to  idiocy  and  insanity?    Is  there  any  real 
indication  that  the  so-called  strain  of  civilization  is  tell 
ing  on  the  negroes?     Is  there  much  difference  in  this 


252       Race  DrtftoDon?  in  tftc 

respect  between  the  negroes  and  the  mulattoes?  (Com 
parison  of  negroes  and  mulattoes  is  implied  in  all  these 
questions.) 

4.  Vitality.     Is  the  loss  of  fertility  among  the  ne 
groes  an  indication  of  degeneracy,  or  simply  due  to  such 
causes  as  are  normal  to  civilization?     Is  this  loss  in 
creasing,  decreasing  or  stationary?     If  the  negro  retains 
his  "lymphatic  temperament"  (admitting,  for  the  sake  of 
argument,  that  the  race  naturally  has  such  a  temper 
ament),  is  it  likely  to  characterize  a  race  that  has  such  a 
diathesis  as  the  negro  has?     Is  the  negro's  strong  sex 
uality  and  the  supposed  "freshness'*  of  the  female  geni 
tals  a  factor  in  fertility?    If  so,  is  there  reason  to  believe 
that  the  negro  will  increase  in  fertility  when  he  becomes 
more  hygienic? 

Is  there  any  relation  between  fertility  and  vitality  and 
stamina?  Is  the  negro's  supposed  loss  of  stamina  due 
to  causes  not  inherent  in  his  raciality,  but  rather  due  to 
temporary  maladjustment  to  his  environment?  Is  he 
holding  his  own  well,  as  to  stamina,  fertility,  etc.,  con 
sidering  his  handicaps?  Would  the  white  race  do  any 
better  under  similar  circumstances? 

Is  the  negro's  continence  increasing  or  decreasing? 
Is  there  any  relation  between  degeneration  and  incon 
tinence?  Is  there  indication  that  prostitution  is  on  the 
increase,  and  that  a  measure  of  the  decrease  in  fertility 
is  due  to  this  cause? 

5.  Development.    Does  the  negro  show  any  peculiari 
ties  with  regard  to  adolescence,  senescence,  the  climac 
teric,  etc.?    What  are  the  facts  with  regard  to  the  sup 
posed  arrest  of  brain  development  at  puberty? 


from  Ipijpsician's  Point  of  IMeto  253 

II.     VITAL  STATISTICS 

Will  it  be  possible  to  study  a  group  of  negro  house 
holds  intensively,  so  that  some  approximation  may  be 
made  to  a  qualitative  explanation  of  its  vital  statistics? 
Figures  often  are  susceptible  of  misinterpretation  unless 
we  can  check  them  through  intensive  study  of  small 
groups. 

Some  of  the  data  that  should  be  studied  intensively: 
Birth  rate,  infant  mortality,  death  rate,  mortality  of 
mulattoes  as  compared  with  approximately  pure  negroes. 
See  Willcox  in  "Bulletin  of  U.  S.  Census  for  1910," 
also  in  Stone's  "American  Race  Problem." 

III.     ANTHROPOLOGICAL 

Under  this  head  would  it  be  possible  to  study  a  small 
group  of  school  children  intensively,  and  perhaps  a  hos 
pital  group  and  a  family  group?  Such  data  as  skeleton, 
skull,  lung  capacity,  hair,  color,  muscular  and  glandular 
development,  and  the  like. 

No  ethnological  and  anthropological  study  of  the  in 
tensive  type  has  ever  been  made.  Such  a  study  would 
prove  immensely  suggestive,  would  lead  to  special  studies, 
would  check  the  evidence  from  statistics,  and  so  on. 

IV.     HYGIENIC  AND  SANITARY 

Here,  again,  would  it  be  possible  to  study  a  group  of 
homes,  so  that  exact  data  could  be  obtained?  In  this 
and  other  studies  could  the  cooperation  of  colored  physi 
cians  be  obtained  and  their  statements  duly  checked? 
Could  prominent  negroes  be  got  to  cooperate  in  some 


254       Race  £>nf)oDor)?  in  tfte 

such  investigation,  or  could  the  thing  be  done  without 
their  full  cooperation  ? 

Here  are  some  of  the  points :  Personal  hygiene ;  diet ; 
clothing;  ventilation;  disposal  of  refuse;  heat  and  cold; 
sleep;  sexual  habits;  endurance  in  work  and  play;  hy 
gienic  treatment  of  children,  especially  infants  and  ado 
lescents. 

V.     PSYCHOLOGY 

Could  medical  practitioners  collect  important  psycho 
logical  data  such  as  come  within  their  scope,  such  as 
the  self-control,  energy,  foresight,  excitement,  emotion, 
etc.,  of  the  negro?  Also  such  traits  as  are  shown  in 
telling  symptoms,  obeying  directions,  nursing,  criminal 
ity,  childishness,  hoodlumism,  and  the  like? 

The  most  useful  psychological  facts  are  those  that  are 
most  evidently  connected  with  bodily  condition.  Hence 
the  physician's  data  ought  to  be  the  most  useful  to  the 
psychologist,  if  they  are  exact  and  minute.  Psychologi 
cal  facts  are  of  little  use  unless  they  are  microscopically 
exact  and  are  recorded  at  once.  Experiments  show  that 
the  memory  cannot  be  trusted  in  these  matters. 

The  above  questions  are,  of  course,  intended  simply 
to  connect  this  phase  of  the  study  with  a  general  point 
of  view  and  to  indicate  some  of  the  things  that  those  of 
us  who  have  been  studying  this  question  a  long  time  want 
to  know. 


IV.    THE  NEGRO  AND   THE  EPISCOPAL 
CHURCH 

(Prepared  at  the  request  of  a  well-known  clergyman.) 

I.  Nature  of  the  negro. 

II.  What  the  church  has  done. 

III.  What  the  church  is  doing. 

IV.  What  the  church  might  do. 


NATURE  OF  THE  NEGRO 

1.  Instinctive  Tendencies  of  the  Negro   (see  paper 
by  T.  P.  B.,  read  before  Southern  Psychological  So 
ciety  at  Chattanooga,  Dec.,  1910.)     //  the  negro  is  sen 
sational  rather  than  relational,  emotional   ("affective") 
rather  than  intellectual;  if  science,  law  and  theology  are 
not  his  strong  points ;  if  he  has  to  be  trained  to  them  in 
a  way  not  necessary  with  the  Caucasian  race, — is  the 
ordinary  machinery  of  the  Episcopal  church  likely  to 
do  much  for  him? 

Is  the  negro  gregarious,  appropriative  and  expressive, 
rather  than  responsive,  perceptive  and  assertive  (and  so 
on  with  higher  tendencies)  ? 

2.  Psychological  Processes  of  the  Negro.     Does  the 
negro  show  strong  affective  qualities    (pleasure,  pain, 
sensitivity,  emotion)  ?    Is  he  weak  in  intellect  (imagina 
tion,  imitation,  assimilation)  ?    Is  his  so-called  imitative- 
ness  nothing  but  gregariousness  ?    Is  his  supposed  im- 

255 


256       Kace  S)rtJ)oDo*p  in  tfte 

aginativeness  only  expressiveness?  Is  his  power  of  as 
similation,  such  as  it  is,  only  the  mere  associative  process 
connected  with  innate  appropriativeness  ? 

Is  he  weak  in  attention  power,  persevering  endeavor, 
constancy  in  pursuit?  If  so,  he  is  deficient  in  will. 

Does  he  show  the  deep  character  attitudes  of  interest, 
belief  and  anticipation?  For  instance,  is  his  "interest" 
in  heaven  a  real  power  of  imagination  and  anticipative 
hope,  or  is  it  a  merely  sensuous  complex  of  organic  sen 
sations  ? 

If  the  negro  shows  unbridled  affectivity  rather  than 
intellectuality  and  volition,  is  this  due  to  his  immaturity 
or  is  it  due  to  innate  weakness? 

Whatever  the  cause,  if  we  attribute  lack  of  intellect 
and  will  to  the  negro,  will  it  be  possible  to  Christianize 
him  by  predominantly  intellectual  and  volitional  culture  ? 

In  discussing  this  question  must  we  make  a  decided 
difference  between  real  negro  and  mulatto?  Are  negro 
Episcopalians  nearly  all  mulattoes?  Are  negro  church 
men  prevailingly  low  church,  making  due  allowance  for 
circumstances,  or  do  they  simply  "ape"  the  whites? 

II 
WHAT  THE  CHURCH  HAS  DONE 

i.  How  much  do  we  know  of  the  real  Christianity 
and  churchmanship  of  the  negroes  under  slavery?  Did 
the  clergymen  of  antebellum  times  use  different  methods 
for  the  negroes  than  those  employed  for  the  whites? 
Was  their  churchmanship  merely  personal  or  was  it  really 
institutional?  Was  it  manners  and  morals,  due  to  do 
mestic  training,  or  was  it  in  any  sense  spiritual?  Did 
the  negroes  show  any  tendency  under  slavery  to  break 


€f)e  JSegro  anD  tfce  (Episcopal  Cburcf)  257 

away  from  the  Episcopal  church  and  go  to  other  com 
munions  ? 

2.  Did  the  church  change  her  methods  when  the 
negroes  were  freed?  Was  change  advisable?  Have 
missionary  methods  been  extensively  used  in  the  evan 
gelization  of  the  negroes  by  the  Episcopal  church  ?  Has 
the  Episcopal  church  ever  been  aggressive  in  work  among 
the  freemen?  If  so,  where  and  what  were  the  results? 
Has  there  been  any  study  of  negro  character  on  the  part 
of  the  church  which  is  supposed  to  adapt  her  work  to 
the  culture  state  and  race  characteristics  of  various 
peoples  ? 

Ill 
WHAT  THE  CHURCH  IS  DOING 

I.  In  considering  the  needs  of  the  negro — racial 
bishops,  etc. — has  any  account  been  taken  of  the  negro's 
characteristics  ?  Has  there  been  any  careful  effort  made 
to  determine  (i)  what  the  negro  needs,  and  (2)  what 
the  negro  wants?  Is  anyone  suggesting  any  changes 
in  the  church's  cult  in  adaptation  to  the  negroes?  Do 
we  really  know  anything  much  with  regard  to  the  "per 
secution"  of  negro  Episcopalians  by  their  brethren  of 
other  churches?  Do  negro  Episcopalians  have  any  con 
fidence  in  the  adaptability  of  the  church  to  the  negro 
race?  Is  any  study  being  made  as  to  the  methods  of 
the  Church  of  England  in  the  mission  field  ?  What  were 
the  methods  in  Uganda,  for  instance,  and  how  much 
real  success  did  they  achieve?  How  about  other  parts 
of  Africa  and  the  West  Indies  ?  When  Church  of  Eng 
land  and  other  churches  have  an  equal  chance  at  the 
negroes,  which  church  gets  hold  of  them  best,  and  which 


258        Race  SDrtboDorp  in  tfte 

produces  most  satisfactory  results  in  practical  life  and 
character? 

IV 
WHAT  THE  CHURCH  MIGHT  DO 

What  might  the  church  do?  Make  a  careful  study — 
an  exhaustive,  detailed,  expert  study  of  results  in  one  or 
two  parishes  ?  Try  various  discreet  evangelistic  methods 
especially  adapted  to  the  negroes  ?  Get  laymen  to  cham 
pion  church  work  among  the  negroes?  Prove  to  lay 
men  that  the  money  put  into  negro  schools  and  churches 
is  really  bringing  results  that  are  better  worth  while  than 
the  results  would  be  if  put  into  some  other  venture  in 
behalf  of  the  negroes  or  of  whites  that  do  not  know  the 
Episcopal  church? 

2.  Can  any  "white"  church  do  anything  for  the  ne 
groes  in  this  country  so  long  as  the  whites  insist  on  keep 
ing  the  negroes  in  a  state  of  spiritual  subordination? 
Will  white  churchmen  permit  the  church  to  offer  the 
negro  full  spiritual  freedom  in  the  future,  a  freedom 
that  applies  to  the  whole  man, — "privileges,"  such  as  the 
full  ecclesiastical  suffrage,  included?  Do  whites  regard 
the  suffrage,  social  recognition  of  worthy  individuals, 
etc.,  as  "privileges"  to  be  accorded  by  one  race  to  an 
other,  when  it  suits  the  convenience  of  the  dominant  race 
to  accord  them?  Are  we  asking  the  negro  to  live  in  a 
fools'  paradise  that  we  would  not  be  willing  to  live  in 
ourselves?  Are  we  doing  to  them  as  we  would  have 
them  do  to  us?  If  not,  why  not?  Shall  we  ask  of  them 
a  degree  of  "humility"  and  "patience"  that  we  would 
not  ask  of  whites  of  similar  grade  of  culture?  If  so, 
why?  Do  we  suppose  that  we  can  win  the  negroes  by 
segregating  them  absolutely  in  the  church  and  then  ex- 


Cfte  U3egro  anD  t&e  (Episcopal  Cfwrcft  259 

pect  them  to  obey  our  bishops  and  General  Convention? 
Are  we  willing  to  trust  them  with  the  espiscopate,  which, 
in  its  present  form,  is  a  product  of  Caucasian  develop 
ment?  ,v  i 

3.  Will  the  church  leave  the  study  of  the  negro  ques 
tion  to  purely  secular  agencies  that  care  nothing  about 
the  negro's  soul?  Is  the  church  trying  to  get  more 
money  for  the  work  among  the  negroes  when  she  does 
not  know  what  she  can  do  for  the  negro,  whether  she 
is  doing  anything  worth  while,  or  whether  more  money 
is  likely  to  produce  better  results  ?  Is  it  better  to  go  on 
"blindly"  in  the  old  ways,  or  spend  some  money  studying 
results,  methods,  character,  and  making  a  few  careful 
experiments  under  proper  experimental  conditions  ?  Are 
the  ecclesiastical  and  scholastic  experiments  being  made 
now  really  supervised  so  that  real  results  can  be  studied  ? 
If  so,  where  are  the  reports  that  go  exhaustively  into 
the  subject  instead  of  dealing  in  large  generalities  or 
picking  out  a  few  "typical"  cases? 

Shall  we  do  as  one  of  our  bishops  advises — do  as  we 
are  doing  and  leave  "results"  in  the  hand  of  Providence, 
or  shall  we  take  it  that  Providence  expects  us  to  be  provi 
dent  and  foresighted  and  scientific  in  the  Lord's  work? 
Shall  our  "faith"  lack  insight  as  well  as  sight?  Have 
we  no  faith  in  God's  truth  as  declared  by  science  ?  What 
results  can  we  plead  for  the  "Episcopalian"  brand  of 
evangelization  and  education  when  we  ask  for  money 
for  the  negroes? 


D.     Negro  Education:  The  Thought  and  the 
Thing. 

I.    EDUCATION  AND  RACIAL  EQUALITY 

(Paper  read  before  Southern  Educational  Association,  Dec.  29, 
1910,  Chattanooga,  Tenn.) 

Education  frees  the  soul  of  man.  Freedom  makes  for 
equality  based  on  personal  worth.  Worth  cannot  main 
tain  itself  unless  its  right  to  the  pursuit  of  happiness  is 
unimpeded.  The  essence  of  happiness  is  social  commun 
ion.  Communion  in  the  social  sphere  is  primarily  based 
on  family  life.  The  family  rests  on  marriage.  Hence 
intermarriage  of  free,  equal,  worthy  social  individuals 
is  the  natural  or  generic  end  of  education.  The  Italian 
peasant's  grandson,  educated  in  free  America,  and  show 
ing  himself  intellectually,  ethically,  economically  and 
aesthetically  fit,  marries  the  daughter  of  an  old  American 
family.  There  is  none  to  say  nay.  But  a  man  of  appar 
ently  equal  character  in  every  respect,  except  that  he  has 
one-sixteenth  negro  blood  in  his  veins,  is  debarred  from 
wedding  his  apparent  equal  if  she  belongs  to  the  white 
race.  So  long  as  the  man  with  negro  blood  in  his  make 
up  knows  that  there  is  a  great  gulf  fixed  between  him 
and  individuals  of  another  race  that  seem  to  be  of  equal 
or  inferior  character,  he  is  not  a  free  man.  He  is  in 
ferior  in  spite  of  his  seeming  superiority  or  equality,  and 
such  a  status  is  the  veriest  slavery  of  the  soul.  He  is 
deprived  of  his  supposedly  inalienable  right  to  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness.  In  fine,  all  our  higher  life  and  all  our 
happiness  are  conditioned  by  fundamental  biological  facts. 
Freedom  to  marry  one's  personal  equal  is  fundamental 

260 


(EDucation  anO  Racial  (Equalitj?      261 

equality.  Deprivation  of  this  freedom  is  relegation  to 
the  ranks  of  inferiority.  The  educated  negro  may  say, 
"I  prefer  the  woman  of  my  own  race."  Yes,  but  con 
sider  the  Italian;  he,  too,  naturally  prefers  to  marry  an 
Italian.  But  make  the  Italian  conscious  of  impending 
marital  inferiority  for  his  descendants  to  the  fourth  and 
fifth  generation,  let  him  realize  that  his  inferiority  is 
not  something  that  can  be  done  away  with  through  time 
and  education,  and  you  are  forthwith  telling  him  that  he 
is  being  unfairly  dealt  with,  for  everyone  knows  that  the 
Italian  race  is  one  of  the  great  races  of  the  earth. 

How  is  it  with  the  negro?  He  cannot  claim  lineage 
that  is  high.  He  cannot  point  to  the  great  things  that 
his  people  are  now  accomplishing  as  an  independent  na 
tion;  one  cannot  tell  him  that  science  regards  his  race 
as  even  potentially  the  equal  of  the  white  race.  But  one 
does  in  effect  say  unto  him,  "Brother  in  Black,  you  are 
brother  only  by  conventional  religious  terminology;  the 
prejudice  against  you  cannot  be  overcome  because  it  has 
a  real  biological  basis." 

And  so  we  come  to  the  nerve  of  the  negro  problem. 
We  promise  the  negro  freedom  through  education,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  we  take  away  from  him  the  very 
basis  for  equality  and  self-respect,  on  the  other. 

No  real  man  pines  because  of  not  having  social  com 
munion  with  people  that  do  not  welcome  him,  for  he  ordi 
narily  knows  that  the  refusal  to  admit  him  into  a  given 
social  circle  is  but  a  superficial  matter.  Let  him  acquire 
wealth,  or  polish,  or  fame,  or  something  else  that  so-called 
exclusive  circles  value,  and  he  that  was  once  rejected  will 
be  welcome. 

Many  a  humble  man  knows  that  his  educated  children 
will  rise  to  social  heights  not  vouchsafed  to  him,  and 
he  is  therefore  content  with  his  lot,  for  he  lives  again 


262       mace  flDttftoDojg  in  tfte 

in  his  children.  But  the  negro's  children  have  no  fu 
ture,  except  that  bound  up  in  their  own  race.  Put  him 
where  he  will  not  be  subject  to  treatment  that  brands 
him  every  moment  as  a  social  inferior,  and  he  can  for 
get  the  apparent  arrogance  of  the  white  man.  But  a 
definite  status  of  inferiority,  felt  in  daily  contact,  is  one 
that  can  be  tolerated  in  patience  and  equanimity  by  no 
free  man.  Negroes  may  say  that  they  do  not  want  con 
ventional  social  recognition;  but  if  they  mean  what  they 
say  they  are  proving  their  inferiority,  and  if  they  do 
not  mean  what  they  say,  there  is  no  reason  why  we 
should  listen  to  their  asseverations. 

What  I  have  been  saying  is,  of  course,  predicated  on 
the  assumption  that  all  forms  of  equality  are  associated 
in  the  free  life  of  citizenship,  and  that  in  the  long  run 
all  depend  upon  social  equality  and  intermarriage.  In 
order  to  take  a  test  case,  let  us  ask  ourselves  whether 
political  equality,  which  is  being  taken  from  the  negro 
with  a  pretense  of  legal  fairness,  is  organically  associ 
ated  with  the  general  tendencies  toward  association  and 
fellowship  ? 

No  one  has  studied  democracy  more  fundamentally 
than  did  Alexis  de  Tocqueville,  whose  great  work  on 
American  democracy  is  still  a  classic.  Let  us  hear  him 
speak  from  several  angles,  in  order  to  catch  his  full 
thought : 

"At  the  present  time  civic  zeal  seems  to  me  to  be 
inseparable  from  the  exercise  of  political  rights.  .  .  . 
It  is  impossible  that  the  lower  orders  should  take  a  part 
in  public  business  without  extending  the  circle  of  their 
ideas,  and  without  quitting  the  ordinary  routine  of  their 
mental  acquirements.  ...  A  government  retains  its 
sway  over  a  great  number  of  citizens  far  less  by  the 
voluntary  and  rational  consent  of  the  multitude  than  by 


©Duration  anD  Uarial  ©qualitg      263 

that  instinctive  and  to  a  certain  extent  involuntary  agree 
ment  which  results  from  similarities  of  feelings  and  re 
semblances  of  opinion.  I  will  never  admit  that  men 
constitute  a  social  body  simply  because  they  obey  the 
same  head  and  the  same  laws.  Society  can  only  exist 
when  a  great  number  of  men  consider  a  great  number 
of  things  in  the  same  point  of  view;  when  they  hold 
the  same  opinions  upon  many  subjects,  and  when  the 
same  occurrences  suggest  the  same  thoughts  and  impres 
sions  to  their  minds.  .  .  .  Let  us  suppose  that  all  the 
members  of  the  community  take  a  part  in  the  govern 
ment,  and  that  each  one  of  them  has  an  equal  right  to 
take  a  part  in  it.  As  none  is  different  from  his  fellows 
none  can  exercise  a  tyrannical  power:  men  will  be  per 
fectly  free  because  they  will  be  entirely  equal;  and  they 
will  all  be  perfectly  equal  because  they  will  be  entirely 
free.  To  this  ideal  state  democratic  nations  tend.  .  .  . 
The  passion  for  equality  penetrates  on  every  side  into 
men's  hearts,  expands  there,  and  fills  them  entirely.  .  .  . 
The  great  advantage  of  the  Americans  is  that  they  have 
arrived  at  a  state  of  democracy  without  having  to  en 
dure  a  democratic  revolution;  and  that  they  are  born 
equal  instead  of  becoming  so.  ...  If  the  object  be  to 
have  the  local  affairs  of  a  district  conducted  by  the  men 
who  reside  there,  the  same  persons  are  always  in  con 
tact,  and  they  are,  in  a  manner,  forced  to  be  acquainted, 
and  to  adapt  themselves  to  one  another.  ...  If  men 
are  to  remain  civilized,  or  to  become  so,  the  art  of  asso 
ciating  together  must  grow  and  improve  in  the  same 
ratio  in  which  the  equality  of  conditions  is  increased. 
.  .  .  When  a  people,  then,  have  any  knowledge  of  pub 
lic  life,  the  notion  of  association,  and  the  wish  to  coal 
esce,  present  themselves  every  day  to  the  minds  of  the 
whole  community :  whatever  natural  repugnance  may 


264        Race  SDrtfcoDorp  in  tfte  South 

restrain  men  from  acting  in  concert,  they  will  always  be 
ready  to  combine  for  the  sake  of  a  party.  Thus  politi 
cal  life  makes  the  love  and  practice  of  association  more 
general;  it  imparts  a  desire  of  union,  and  teaches  the 
means  of  combination  to  numbers  of  men  who  would 
have  always  lived  apart.  ...  If  at  all  times  educa 
tion  enables  men  to  defend  their  independence,  this  is 
most  especially  true  in  democratic  countries." 

These  and  many  like  words  of  the  great  student  of 
spontaneous  democracy  brand  our  attempts  to  force  de 
mocracy  with  the  arm  of  the  law  as  peculiarly  futile.  De 
Tocqueville  evidently  thought  that  democracy  produced 
"entire  equality"  and  all  that  goes  with  it.  And  South 
ern  instinct  needs  only  to  be  translated  into  philosophic 
language  to  say  just  what  De  Tocqueville  meant  and 
said. 

Now,  the  time  for  argument  about  theoretic  racial 
equality  has  passed,  not  only  at  the  South,  where  it 
hardly  ever  existed  even  in  the  minds  of  the  few,  but 
also  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  which  are  rapidly 
coming  to  take  the  Southern  view  of  the  whole  matter. 
Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  many, 
if  not  most,  Southerners  feel  doubtful  about  the  advis 
ability  of  educating  the  negro  for  an  unknown  future. 
When  they  say  that  what  the  negro  needs  is  industrial 
education  they  somehow  feel  that  such  education  will  fit 
the  negro  for  his  "place,"  which,  in  their  view,  is  some 
thing  akin  to  a  status  of  peasantry.  The  South  has  little 
heart  in  educating  the  negro.  The  North  is  suffering 
from  moral  lassitude  as  to  the  whole  subject.  Some  say, 
both  at  the  South  and  at  the  North,  "Let  the  question 
alone;  it  will  solve  itself."  Perhaps  so,  but  will  it  solve 
itself  so  as  to  make  the  most  of  the  South  and  at  the 
same  time  do  the  negro  justice?  And  is  it  solving  itself, 


^Duration  anD  Eacial  equality      265 

either  at  the  North  or  at  the  South?  Two  headlines 
from  a  recent  issue  of  a  well-known  metropolitan  paper 
will  reply.  The  first  reads  thus:  "To  Segregate  Negro 
Homes."  But  perhaps  it  is  Southern  "prejudice"  that 
makes  Baltimore  strive  to  segregate  the  negro,  no  mat 
ter  what  his  education.  Here  is  an  extract  from  the  re 
port  to  the  Baltimore  Council  that  would  be  amusing 
were  it  not  tragic :  "No  fault  is  found  with  the  negroes' 
ambitions,  but  the  committee  feels  that  Baltimoreans  will 
be  criminally  negligent  as  to  their  future  happiness  if 
they  suffer  the  negroes'  ambitions  to  go  unchecked."  A 
modern  instance  is  this  of  the  little  nursery  dialogue : 

"'Mother,  may  I  go  out  to  swim?1 
'Yes,  my  darling  daughter; 
Hang  your  clothes  on  a  hickory  limb, 
But  don't  go  near  the  water !' " 


If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  should  de 
cide  against  the  Baltimore  ordinance,  the  whites  have 
plans  in  plenty  whereby  their  purpose  may  be  effected. 
Here  is  one  from  New  York  City,  which  I  introduce  as 
the  second  of  the  two  newspaper  headings  above  re 
ferred  to : 

"$20,000  To  Keep  Negroes  Out.  Harlemites  Sub 
scribe  that  Amount  to  Save  West  I36th  Street." 

Man's  inhumanity  to  man,  we  say,  until  the  "am 
bitious"  negroes  move  into  our  street! 

We  may  sum  up  the  discussion  thus  far  somewhat  as 
follows : 

Education  is  a  function  of  democracy  and  hence  spells 
equality  of  status.  To  offer  education  is  to  offer  generic 
equality  of  individual  with  individual.  Equality  of  op 
portunity  is  opportunity  for  equality  of  all  kinds.  If 


266       Eace  2Drtj)oDosg  in  tfte 

we  deny  the  possibility  of  equality,  to  offer  the  oppor 
tunity  that  leads  naturally  to  equality  is  to  insult  human 
intelligence  and  perpetrate  a  cosmic  joke.  For  what 
else  means  opportunity  without  satisfaction  except  re 
bellion,  or  retrogression,  or  despair?  Shall  we  open  the 
door  of  hope  to  the  negro  only  to  usher  him  into  the 
outer  darkness  of  disillusion,  or  else  to  invite  him  in 
to  partake  of  the  feast  of  citizenship,  and  then  crush 
him  against  the  very  doorpost  of  social  opportunity? 
If  we  owe  the  negro  an  education — and  we  do — how 
shall  we  give  him  real,  unforced,  natural  opportunity? 

When  closely  questioned  Southern  people  admit  all 
the  ideal  principles  of  the  rights  of  man,  equality  of 
opportunity  and  the  like.  Humanitarianism  and  democ 
racy  are  not  strange  notions  to  them.  But  they  agree 
with  the  maxim,  "might  till  right  is  ready,"  and  they 
are  not  convinced  that  negroes  should  exercise  all  their 
rights  now.  Nor  do  they  think  it  self-evident  that  the 
negro  should  have  equality  of  opportunity  here.  The 
Reverend  Edgar  Gardner  Murphy,  who  has  thought 
deeply  on  this  subject  in  his  "Basis  of  Ascendancy,"  tells 
the  South  to  be  content  with  an  economic  status  less  high 
than  that  of  other  parts  of  the  country.  But  I  do  not 
believe  that  anyone  should  ask  the  South  to  be  damned 
even  relatively,  for  its  black  brethren's  sake,  unless  no 
feasible  way  can  be  found  out  of  the  difficulty. 

A  man  high  in  dignity  and  reputation  told  me  only 
yesterday,  when  I  confronted  him  with  the  facts  of  hu 
man  nature  as  they  are:  "I  agree  with  the  saying,  'Damn 
your  facts !' '  But,  however  much  we  might  like  to 
damn  the  facts,  it  is  they  that  are  in  the  habit  of  doing 
the  damning  and  the  blessing.  A  fact  is  a  sacred  thing 
from  the  hands  of  God,  and  must  find  its  place  in  our 
practical  philosophy  of  life,  even  though  our  "principles" 


©Duration  anD  Racial  OBqualitg     267 

may  refuse  to  shake  hands  with  it.  Until  we  become 
disembodied  spirits  we  must  try  to  square  biological  and 
psychological  phenomena  with  the  higher  facts  of  our 
spiritual  nature  as  best  we  can.  So  long  as  the  world  is 
wide  and  the  negro  question  is  not  studied,  we  have  no 
right  to  compel  a  choice  between  the  utilitarian  and  the 
ideal  motives  of  our  consciences.  For  self -sacrifice  is 
noble  only  when  ethically  necessary.  And,  until  a  hurt 
ful  necessity  is  actually  known  to  be  such,  we  are  simply 
quixotic,  if  not  foolish,  in  bowing  to  the  alleged  obliga 
tion  to  give  the  negro  full  equality  of  opportunity,  which 
naturally  leads  to  opportunity  for  all  equality,  including 
social  equality,  at  the  expense  of  the  South's  develop 
ment. 

The  esteemed  gentleman  just  referred  to  told  me, 
almost  in  one  breath,  ( i )  that  the  South  is  obscurantist, 
medieval,  and  (2)  that  the  South  ought  to  leave  the 
issue  of  the  race  problem  to  Providence.  In  other  words, 
he  seems  to  think  it  reactionary  for  one  to  doubt  the 
practicality  of  applying  the  abstract  doctrines  of  the 
rights  of  man  in  certain  definite  temporal  and  spatial 
ways,  but  not  reactionary  to  turn  over  to  Providence  a 
problem  that  we  have  not  yet  scientifically  investigated. 
The  South  may  well  be  pardoned  for  believing  that 
everything  must  be  "left  to  Providence,"  because  not  a 
sparrow  falleth  without  divine  responsibility;  and  that 
nothing  must  be  left  to  Providence,  without  effort  on  our 
part,  because  we  are  told  to  work  out  our  own  salva 
tion  in  fear  and  trembling. 

But  why  this  suspicion  of  biological  and  psychological 
science?  Why  this  pitting  of  science  against  religion? 
Is  there  any  reason  for  believing  that  because  Israel  was 
a  "Chosen  People"  there  was  no  "natural  selection"  in 
her  case?  Have  we  failed  to  realize  the  implications  of 


268        Kate  2DitftoSo*g  in  tfie  Soutft 

the  soul's  not  being  able  to  express  and  realize  itself  in 
time  and  space  except  through  the  body,  and  especially 
the  nervous  system?  Have  we  forgotten  that  even  cer 
tain  noble  phases  of  the  master  passion,  love,  have  been 
reached  by  the  spiritualization  of  a  natural  appetite? 

I  was  not  surprised  to  find  that  a  certain  distinguished 
New  Yorker  "didn't  know"  but  that  amalgamation  might 
solve  the  negro  problem  if  the  races  remained  in  contact 
long  enough.  Nor  was  I  surprised  to  hear  him  say  that 
the  next  great  epic  poet  would  have  negro  blood  in  his 
veins.  After  all,  those  who  want  us  to  "wait"  on  the 
problem  and  are  not  disposed  to  urge  the  scientific  study 
of  it  may  well  be  suspected  either  of  being  deeply  logi 
cal  in  their  subconsciousness,  and  therefore  dimly  ex 
pecting  and  perhaps  hoping  that  the  "natural"  or  biologi 
cal  solution  through  amalgamation  may  come  about  in 
time ;  or  else  of  looking  forward  to  a  permanent  status  of 
spiritual,  if  not  economic,  serfdom  for  the  negro.  The 
amalgamationists  realize  that  race  prejudice  is  not  primar 
ily  instinctive,  and  that  the  breaking  down  of  the  fashion 
that  proscribes  the  negro  will  leave  nature  free  to  solve 
the  problem  in  the  only  way  she  uses  to  solve  such  prob 
lems  without  war,  actual  or  potential ;  the  subordination- 
ists  know  that  if  they  can  keep  the  stigma  of  inferiority 
fastened  on  the  negro  the  negro  cannot  rise  higher  to 
ultimate  intermarriage. 

I  have  tried  to  suggest  the  nature  and  difficulties  of 
our  problem  as  fairly  and  dispassionately  as  can  be 
done  by  one  who  is  a  humanitarian  and  an  American 
and  at  the  same  time  a  Southerner  of  the  Southerners. 
We  must  not  give  up  our  broad  American  principles. 
But  we  must  bring  them  into  contact  with  the  facts  of 
the  situation  as  well  as  we  can. 

We  must  face  the  facts,  whatever  our  philosophy,  and 


©Duration  anD  Racial  (Cqualitp      269 

thus  work  out  the  high  designs  of  Providence.  We  must 
study  the  negro  problem,  would  we  educate  the  negro 
intelligently.  We  must  find  out  as  nearly  as  we  can 
what  "place"  we  are  fitting  him  for.  Even  the  broken 
lights  of  science  are  better  than  a  blind  faith.  For  real 
faith  has  insight.  "We  know  in  whom  we  have  be 
lieved."  And  much  of  our  social  knowledge,  and  some 
of  the  most  usable  parts  of  it,  comes  from  the  vigorous 
scientific  method  of  to-day. 

Granting,  then,  that  we  as  educators  should  do  our 
best  to  urge  the  study  of  the  negro  question  and  help 
on  that  study  when  it  shall  have  been  started  in  a  well- 
organized  way,  what  shall  we  say  about  our  attitude 
toward  the  education  of  the  negro? 

1.  We  must  educate  him  because  he  is  a  man,  and 
a  man  must  be  educated  in  some  sense,  no  matter  what 
future  lies  before  him. 

2.  We  must  educate  him  because  ignorant  men  are 
dangerous,  especially  to  a  democracy  pledged  to  educate 
all  men. 

3.  We  must  educate  him  for  the  protection  of  our 
own  health  and  our  own  moral  character,  for  ignorance 
spreads  disease  and  vice. 

4.  We  must  educate  him  so  that  he  may  help  to 
solve  his  own  problem,  for  we  have  no  right  to  impose 
our  "solutions"  on  the  negro  without  giving  him  a  chance 
to  understand. 

5.  We  must  educate  him  would  we  have  him  stand 
alone;  and  whatever  his  fate  he  must  ultimately  stand 
through  his  own  strength. 

6.  We  must  educate  him  because  the  public  opinion 
of  the  civilized  world  demands  his  education,  and  if  we 
pay  deference  to  a  world  view  we  cannot  consistently 
deny  to  it  some  degree  of  reason  and  righteousness. 


270       Kace  SDrtftoDojp  in  t&e  Soutft 

7.  We  must  educate  him  because  he  wants  to  be  edu 
cated,  and  we  can  give  him  no  satisfactory  reason  for 
refusing  him  this  boon. 

8.  We  must  educate  him  because  he  earns  his  edu 
cation  through  his  labor  and  his  efforts  to  educate  him 
self. 

9.  We  must  educate  him  for  the  sake  of  the  admit 
tedly  worthy  remnant,  and  in  order  that  the  worthy  few 
may  have  followers  who  can  be  intelligently  led  and  will 
intelligently  follow. 

Doubtless  there  are  other  good  reasons  why  the  negro 
should  be  educated:  those  given  will  serve  our  present 
purpose. 

But,  while  we  are  educating  the  negro  and  assisting 
him  to  educate  himself,  let  us  tell  him  and  his  friends 
at  the  North  and  at  the  South  a  few  wholesome  things. 

1.  A  scientific  study,  especially  of  negro  character 
and  its  possibilities,  should  be  made  in  order  that  the 
education  of  the  negro  should  have  an  objective  point, 
and  in  order  that  uneasy  dread  of  the  future  on  the  part 
of  Southern  whites  may  be  allayed  as  far  as  possible. 

2.  Assimilation  through  intermarriage  is  not  to  be 
considered  as  a  feasible  or  as  a  righteous  solution  of  the 
problem. 

3.  Northern  and  Southern  opinion  are  approximat 
ing  each  other.     Both  tend  to  lose  interest  in  the  negro. 
The  gulf  between  the  races  is  widening  at  the  North  as 
well  as  at  the  South. 

4.  Unless,  or  until  we  know  to  the  contrary,  the 
negro  is  to  be  regarded  simply  as  a  relatively  inferior 
race,  inasmuch  as  science  has  not  pronounced  him  hope 
lessly  inferior  for  all  time. 

5.  The  ultimate  "peasantry"  solution  is  not  to  be 
countenanced,  inasmuch  as  it  is  un-American  and  in- 


(Education  anD  Racial  (Bqualitp      271 

human,  and  would  injure  the  white  people  morally  and 
economically. 

6.  Equality  of  opportunity  should  come  to  the  negro 
somehow,   some  time,  somewhere,  provided  the  white 
people's  supremacy  in  their  own  land  is  not  endangered. 
Let  science  and  the  natural  course  of  events  determine 
where,  when  and  how. 

7.  In  the  meantime,  while  the  negro  should  abate 
none  of  his  claims  to  complete  manhood,  let  him,  like 
Brer  Rabbit,  "keep  on  sayin'  nothin'."     Patience  now 
means  opportunity  in  the  future.     Agitation  now  may 
precipitate  disaster.     There  are  enough  friends  of  hu 
mankind  in  the  country  to  keep  a  care  of  the  negro's 
future  if  he  will  prove  himself  worthy. 

8.  The  negro  must  develop  his  own  civilization  and 
social  self -consciousness. 

9.  Whatever  the  final  solution  may  be  it  must  not 
cause  permanent  retardation  of  the   South's  complete 
development.     This  means  that  the  inferior  race  must 
never  be  favored  at  the  expense  of  the  superior  race. 

10.  Conditions    will    improve    when    "preternatural 
suspicion"  is  allayed  by  the  adoption  of  a  definite  policy 
by  the  country,  whereby  generous  justice  is  done  the 
negro  without  upsetting  the  rational  race  orthodoxy  of 
the  South. 

11.  We  need  to  be  more  pessimistic  as  to  present 
conditions  and  more  optimistic  as  to  the  ultimate  future, 
provided  we  agree  to  have  a  carefully  organized,  national, 
non-partisan,  cooperative  study  of  the  race  question. 

12.  The  scientific  study  may  modify  some  of  the 
above  conclusions.     Unless  we  have  open  minds  our 
study  will  simply  show  us  what  we  want  to  see. 

13.  As  long  as  the  races  live  together  on  the  same 
soil,   the  negro,   individually  and   collectively,   will  be 


272       Bate  2Drtf)oDo*p  in  tfte  Soutft 

treated  as  inferior,  and  therefore  cannot  hope  for  spirit 
ual  freedom. 

14.  It  would  be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  facilitate  segre 
gation  of  the  races  in  as  many  ways  as  possible,  pending 
the  results  of  a  scientific  study  of  the  negro  problem. 


II.    A   NEGRO   RURAL   SCHOOL 

(July  1912.  Report  on  two  Negro  Summer  Schools,  Tate 
County,  Miss.) 

We  started,  the  County  Superintendent  and  I,  at  half- 
past  eight  in  the  morning  on  a  hot  day  in  August.  The 
school  was  four  miles  distant  from  the  county  seat.  On 
the  way  we  met  negro  children  of  various  sizes  and  com 
plexions  wending  their  leisurely  way  to  school.  When 
we  were  returning,  at  about  ten-thirty  a.  m.,  some  of 
the  pupils  were  still  unconcernedly  straggling  to  school. 
At  the  schoolhouse  I  saw  several  groups  come  in.  None 
showed  the  slightest  embarrassment.  All  said,  Good 
morning.  Their  coming  in  and  their  greeting  produced 
no  effect  whatever  on  either  teacher  or  pupils.  The 
county  superintendent  did  not  seem  to  think  it  in  the 
realm  of  possibility  to  bring  about  any  improvement  in 
punctuality.  The  parents  are  "free  American  citizens." 
If  hurried  or  harried  on  the  subject  >of  punctuality,  they 
usually,  it  is  said,  prefer  having  their  children  quit  school 
to  having  themselves  or  their  children  hurried. 

We  passed  several  houses  with  litters  of  pickaninnies 
on  their  porches.  One  cabin  porch  held  six  children,  all 
apparently  under  seven  years  of  age.  Along  the  road 
came  several  tots  of  kindergarten  age,  "going  to  school." 
At  the  schoolhouse  I  saw  a  fully  developed  woman  who 
was  one  of  the  pupils.  I  hope  she  was  in  the  highest 
grade — say  the  "negro"  equivalent  of  the  advanced  fourth 
grade  of  a  fair  country  school.  When  she  dropped  her 

273 


274       Kace  DrtftoDojp  in  tfte 

book  on  the  floor  and  scattered  its  pages  over  a  consider 
able  area  she  picked  up  the  leaves  without  the  slightest 
sign  of  haste  or  disquiet. 

The  schoolhouse  is  in  a  pleasant  grove,  close  by  a  negro 
church.  The  County  Superintendent  told  me  of  its  pious 
name,  and  then  gave  the  following  partial  list  of  some 
of  his  negro  schools :  St.  Paul,  St.  Peter,  Paradise,  Zion 
Hill.  The  church  and  the  schoolhouse  were  apparently 
substantial  buildings.  Although  the  windows  of  the 
schoolhouse  were  not  higher  than  a  tall  man's  chin,  they 
extended  to  the  floor,  and,  with  the  aid  of  front  and  back 
doors,  gave  fairly  good  ventilation.  There  were  no 
desks.  The  children  sat  on  wooden  benches,  some  of 
which  were  grouped  in  the  rear  of  the  room  and  some 
placed  along  the  windows.  The  children  "lined  up"  to 
recite.  Each  one  had  a  "number"  given  him  or  her. 
The  reason  for  this  could  not  be  discovered,  for  no  ref 
erence  was  made  to  the  numbers  after  they  had  been 
assigned,  except  that  the  teacher  became  rather  severe  in 
his  language  if  a  pupil  could  not  give  his  number  when 
called  on  for  it.  Perhaps  he  was  trying  to  teach  atten 
tion  and  obedience  to  command. 

I  have  already  intimated  that  the  range  of  ages  in  the 
three  or  four  approximate  grades  of  the  school  was  be 
tween  four  and  eighteen.  The  teacher  said  that  sixty 
were  in  attendance ;  I  suppose  he  meant  that  there  were 
sixty  "a-comin'  and  a-gwyne"! 

Some  of  the  children  were  atrociously  filthy  and 
ragged;  others  were  fairly  neat  and  clean.  Most  of 
them  were  African  in  color  and  feature.  However,  prac 
tically  none  of  them  looked  like  the  pictures  of  the  lower 
African  type  that  one  sees  in  popular  books  on  ethnology. 
Not  a  few  had  fairly  pleasing,  regular  features,  though 
of  the  higher  African  type.  No  difference  in  mental 


a  jftegro  Rural  £>ct>ool  275 

brightness  could  be  detected  between  the  pure  negroes 
and  the  mixed  types.  The  most  intelligent  face  I  saw 
was  that  of  an  apparently  full-blooded  little  negro  girl. 
There  was  not  a  harsh  voice  in  the  room ;  the  tones  were 
full,  soft  and  musical.  The  children  seemed  to  pay  little 
attention  to  the  presence  of  white  strangers.  Sometimes 
a  child  would  "study  out  loud/'  but  seemingly  without 
disturbing  the  work  of  others.  The  children  moved 
around  freely,  but  noiselessly,  without  asking  permis 
sion.  In  fact,  they  were  unconventionally  easy  in  their 
manners.  Apparently  not  a  ripple  of  interest  was  ex 
cited  when  a  boy  came  in  with  a  bundle  of  able-bodied 
switches  which  he  handed  to  the  teacher,  who  selected 
one  and  used  it  as  a  pointer.  I  could  detect  no  mischiev 
ous  talking  and  laughing.  Perhaps  there  had  been  a  let- 
ting-off  of  steam  before  we  entered.  And  perhaps  our 
presence  and  the  timely  appearance  of  the  switches  pro 
duced  the  effect  of  salutary  peace. 

One  of  the  most  noticeable  phenomena  I  observed,  one 
which  is  constantly  to  be  noted,  was  the  unhurried  flow 
of  the  children's  movements,  without  sign  of  articulate 
sharpness  or  angularity  or  self-conscious  awkwardness. 
The  thought  came  to  me,  How  impossible  is  it  to  decide 
how  much  of  the  negro's  assumed  lack  of  resentment  is 
due  to  his  easy,  smooth  "Brer  Rabbit"  manners!  How 
easy  it  is  for  us  to  misunderstand  an  alien  people !  There 
is  such  a  quality  as  tactful  and  astute  childlikeness. 

The  teacher  was  very  methodical  as  to  ritual,  and 
absolutely  without  intellectual  method.  He  lined  up  the 
children ;  he  numbered  them ;  he  was  punctilious  in  plac 
ing  the  reciter  in  front  of  the  class  and  in  requiring  the 
rhythmic  following  of  the  leader  as  he  sang:  "Twenty, 
twenty-one,  twenty-two,  etc. ;  thirty,  thirty-one,  etc. ; 
forty,  forty-one,  etc."  No  attempt  was  made  to  count  by 


276       Race  £>rtf)oDo?p  in  tbe  %outfj 

tens;  most  of  the  time  was  wasted  in  going  over  the 
digits,  with  which  all  were  familiar.  About  half  the  class 
would  make  absurd  mistakes  with  the  sequence  of  tens. 
One  put  ninety  after  twenty.  Another  went  back  to 
forty  after  having  safely  reached  sixty.  The  class  re 
peated  the  errors  in  chorus,  after  which  the  teacher  al 
lowed  corrections.  By  means  of  some  intuition  which  I 
do  not  understand,  the  teacher  would  announce  from 
time  to  time  to  the  reciter :  "That's  as  far  as  you  can  go ; 
that  will  do."  I  did  not  see  any  blackboard  work. 
There  was  a  very  small  piece  of  blackboard  of  some 
description  in  one  corner  of  the  room.  Here,  as  in  other 
respects  educational,  the  negro  gets  his  minimum — "good 
enough  for  niggers."  If  the  white  men  of  the  county 
were  asked  whether  the  schools  of  the  negroes  had 
enough  blackboard  space,  they  would  be  likely  to  reply 
— as  some  have  replied :  "Enough  for  the  kind  of  pupils 
and  teachers  that  use  them." 

The  reading  of  a  "third  reader"  class  was  instructive 
— to  me.  The  seven  children  had  one  and  a  part  books. 
To  all  appearances,  there  was  not  a  third  enough  books 
in  use  in  the  school.  The  teacher  said  that  "the  books 
had  not  come!'  I  don't  believe  that  the  books  had  any 
intention  of  coming.  My  friend  the  superintendent  told 
teacher  and  pupils  very  plainly  that  nothing  could  be 
done  without  at  least  the  reading  books.  He  suggested 
that  a  halfday  of  work  by  one  of  the  children  would  buy 
a  book.  But  why  should  one  work  when  one  doesn't 
have  to? 

The  teacher  spent  most  of  the  reading  period  in  having 
the  children  spell  out  the  new  words  from  the  reader  as 
the  book  was  passed  from  hand  to  hand.  If  the  teacher 
himself  had  a  reader,  he  did  not  use  it,  but  stood  behind 
each  pupil  as  the  child  tried  to  read.  However,  the  chil- 


a  H2egto  Rural  Scfiool  277 

dren  could  read  a  little.  I  wonder  why !  And  the  super 
intendent  says  that  this  teacher  who,  with  great  difficulty, 
after  several  trials,  succeeds  in  getting  the  lowest  (third- 
grade)  certificate,  teaches  about  as  well  as  the  holders 
of  first-grade  certificates.  I  was  told  that  the  teacher 
was  a  reputable,  excellent  fellow, — and  he  looked  the 
part.  I  want  to  find  out  from  him  how  he  can  dress  so 
well  on  less  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  dollars  a  year. 
His  shining  laundered  collar  and  cuffs,  glistening  alpaca 
coat,  striped  trousers,  well-blacked  shoes,  would  have 
passed  muster  anywhere.  Although  he  came  out  to 
meet  us  as  we  arrived,  and  accompanied  us  to  the 
buggy  as  we  were  leaving,  the  superintendent  did  not 
present  him  to  me;  nor  was  any  word  of  farewell  ut 
tered. 

In  some  Southern  cities  the  negro  principals  are  called 
"Mr."  and  are  duly  introduced  to  strangers;  but  my 
friend,  the  county  superintendent,  was  natural  and  logi 
cal  in  making  no  pretense  of  departing  from  the  social 
facts  of  the  case;  who  should  blame  him?  And  who  can 
blame  him  for  spending  on  the  negro  schools  propor 
tionally  only  from  one-tenth  to  one-twentieth  of  his  time  ? 
His  chances  for  reelection  would  be  faint  indeed  if  he 
"wasted  his  time  on  niggers."  He  is  a  compassionate, 
Christian  man ;  but  facts  are  facts,  "niggers  are  niggers," 
and  the  belief  of  the  average  Southerner  in  the  literary 
education  of  the  negro  is  less  than  half-hearted.  Most 
Southerners  are  perfectly  willing  to  be  "shown"  that  the 
negro  should  be  educated;  but  attempts  to  prove  this  by 
pointing  out  the  absence  of  a  select  class  of  negroes  from 
the  penitentiary  does  not  convince  them.  The  alleged 
existence  of  a  higher  percentage  of  bare  literacy  in  the 
penitentiary  of  South  Carolina,  for  instance,  than  exists 


278       Hace  fiDrtftoDosp  in  tfte  Soutft 

outside  in  that  state,  more  than  offsets  what  one  might 
urge  in  favor  of  a  crude  smattering  of  literary  education 
for  the  negroes. 

I  think  that  this  rural  negro  school  is  fairly  typical; 
in  some  respects  (building,  for  instance)  it  is  superior 
to  most  of  the  negro  country  schools  that  I  have  seen. 
Now,  if  you  ask  me  frankly  whether  the  kind  of  educa 
tion  I  see  in  a  school  like  this  is  really  worth  anything,  I 
find  it  hard  to  reply,  although  I  believe  in  the  education 
of  every  human  being  to  the  limit  of  his  capacity.  Surely 
it  would  be  worth  while  to  prove  to  the  Southerner  that 
the  education  of  the  negro  masses  is  worth  while,  and 
that  it  would  pay  the  South  and  the  country  at  large  to 
spend  vastly  more  than  we  do  in  training  negro  rural 
teachers  and  in  equipping  negro  rural  schools.  But  I 
confess  that  the  proof  is  neither  self-evident  nor 
easy. 

Why  should  a  believer  in  universal  education  feel  him 
self  become  so  unsettled  after  seeing  a  few  inefficient, 
grotesquely  inefficient  negro  schools?  Well,  for  several 
reasons :  ( i )  Because  the  white  people  want  to  "keep  the 
negro  in  his  place,"  and  educated  people  have  a  way  of 
making  their  own  places  and  their  own  terms;  (2)  be 
cause  a  Southern  man,  even  if  the  best  type,  shows  in 
terest  in  negro  education  only  with  bated  breath;  (3) 
anything  that  makes  the  negro  a  better  competitor  of  the 
white  man  tends  to  increase  race  feeling;  (4)  education 
is  a  mockery  in  the  case  of  people  who  are  fundamentally 
unfree,  who  are  held  in  the  position  of  a  permanently 
inferior  social  caste,  who  are  deprived  of  the  normal 
accompaniments  of  citizenship;  (5)  because,  if  liberated 
minds  do  not  claim  their  due,  they  are  contemptible  and 
are  not  worthy  of  education,  and,  if  they  do  claim  their 
rights  and  thereby  cause  interracial  strife,  they  are  dan- 


a  H3egto  Rural  Scftool  279 

gerous  to  the  community.     So  thinks  the  average  white 
man. 

Now,  I  do  not  give  these  reasons  as  my  own  convic 
tions,  but  as  thoughts  that  arise  in  my  mind  when  I  study 
a  negro  school  and  then  note  the  attitude  of  its  white 
neighbors  toward  it.  Not  for  one  moment  do  I  give 
up  the  belief  in  universal  and  adequate  education  for  all 
men ;  but  again  and  again  is  the  conviction  forced  on  me 
that  education  is  not  a  thing  apart,  but  is  economically, 
religiously,  juridically,  politically,  and,  above  all,  socially 
conditioned.  Separate  education  from  the  normal  Amer 
ican  principles  that  should  accompany  it,  and  I  for 
one  dare  not  predict  what  its  result  will  be.  Here, 
as  usual,  we  come  back  to  our  primary  contention,  if 
we  are  disinterested  students  of  the  negro  question: 
until  a  "solution"  is  in  sight,  the  Southern  whites  will 
not  apply  the  principles  of  liberty,  equality  and  fraternity 
to  the  negro ;  such  a  solution  must  not  be  such  as  to  inter 
fere  with  the  fundamental  Southern  view  of  the  negro's 
social  position ;  a  solution  that  will  not  attempt  to  reverse 
Southern  sentiment,  but  which  at  the  same  time  will  be 
true  to  the  principles  of  Christian  democracy,  cannot  be 
arrived  at  with  the  data  we  have  in  hand,  or  without  a 
careful,  long-continued,  scientific  study.  Nor  must  it 
be  forgotten  that  in  a  study  that  is  radically  psychological 
ability  to  interpret  human  instinct,  habit,  custom,  usage, 
feeling,  attitude,  prejudice — in  a  word,  ability  to  inter 
pret  subjective,  qualitative  data,  is  indispensably  neces 
sary,  and  cannot  have  its  place  taken  by  laboratory  ex 
periments,  anthropological  measurements,  economic  sta- 
tistics  and  historical  deductions,  important  as  these  are. 
Once  more,  the  psychology  of  the  white  man's  mind  and 
a~  psychological  knowledge  of  the  negro's  capacity  and 


28o       Eace  ©rtboDotp  in  tftc 


ability  are  absolutely  essential  if  the  solution  of  the  negro 
problem  is  even  to  be  sought  intelligently.* 

*  In  this  paper  and  the  following  actual  conditions  are  portrayed, 
but  these  two  papers  are  not  intended  to  suggest  that  there  are  no 
good  negro  schools.  Indeed  the  author  has  recently  visited  negro 
schools  of  a  fair  order  of  efficiency  —  mostly  in  the  cities  and  the 
larger  towns  of  the  South. 


III.    SHADY  GROVE 

NOTES  OF  SHADES  AND  SHADOWS  IN  A  FIRST  GRADE  NEGRO 
TEACHER'S  SCHOOL  AND  A  NEGRO  INSTITUTE 

The  school  was  called  Shady  Grove,  apparently  on 
the  well-known  principle  of  "contrary  suggestion,"  for 
there  was  neither  grove  nor  shade  near  the  school.  But 
there  was  a  church  near  by,  and  there  was  shade — intel 
lectual  and  ethical  shadow — inside  the  schoolroom. 
There  were  two  teachers  working  in  the  same  room,  and 
apparently  in  no  wise  disturbing  each  other.  The  prin 
cipal  was  loud  and  the  assistant  very  quiet.  This  con 
venient  division  of  labor  brought  about  a  popular  aver 
age.  In  most  respects  the  school  was  similar  to  Zion 
Hill,  the  subject  of  a  preceding  sketch.  No  desks,  in 
conspicuous  blackboards,  etc.  Ninety-six  on  the  roll; 
seventy-one  in  attendance.  We  visited  the  school  in  the 
afternoon,  hence  the  phenomena  of  unpunctuality  were 
not  in  evidence. 

The  superintendent  tells  me  that  over  half  the  negro 
schools  of  his  county  are  in  churches.  Sometimes  the 
county  offers  to  help  build  a  school,  but  the  negroes  in 
variably  decline  to  deed  the  building  and  site  to  the 
county,  although  their  local  board  has  complete  use  of 
the  property.  In  all  cases  the  local  trustees  are  negroes. 
The  only  desks  in  the  negro  schools  of  the  county  are 
in  the  larger  towns,  except  that  there  are  a  few  rough 
home-made  desks  in  a  few  rural  schools. 

The  teacher  is  of  the  Bantu  type.    His  face  and  form 

3*1 


282       Kate  SDrtiJoOosg  in  tfte 

are  dignified.  He  talked  for  our  benefit,  and  spoke  of 
us  as  distinguished  educators.  He  is  the  holder  of  a 
first-grade  certificate  and  is  a  teacher  of  twenty  years' 
standing.  His  education  showed  itself  in  his  greater 
facility  of  speech,  which  was  sometimes  of  involved 
rhetorical  nature.  Among  other  things,  he  called  our 
attention  to  the  "Tyro  Class."  I  thought  he  meant  a 
class  from  Tyro,  one  of  the  villages  of  the  county.  When 
I  expressed  surprise  that  a  Tyro  class  should  be  there, 
he  relieved  my  trouble  by  telling  me  that  he  meant  the 
primer  class.  The  incident  was  typical. 

The  children  were  black  or  dark  brown  in  color,  for 
the  most  part;  but  there  were  two  children  that  might 
have  passed  for  white.  A  year  or  two  previous,  when 
a  negro  woman  was  in  charge  of  the  school,  the  superin 
tendent,  seeing  several  apparently  white  children  in  the 
room,  said  to  the  teacher :  "You  have  some  of  the  wrong 
children  here,  haven't  you?"  She  replied,  with  the  tact 
characteristic  of  her  race :  "Their  mother  associates  with 
the  colored  folks."  This  case  of  concubinage  is  excep 
tional — the  only  one  in  the  county,  I  am  informed.  Even 
in  this  instance  the  association  is  not  open.  If  it  were, 
there  would  be  trouble,  no  doubt.  The  two  "white" 
children  were  the  most  restless  in  the  room;  but  seemed 
on  perfectly  natural  and  intimate  terms  with  the  blacks. 

Looking  very  closely  for  signs  of  self-consciousness,  I 
thought,  as  often  before,  that  the  lack  of  "white"  signs, 
such  as  blushing  and  angular  awkwardness,  accounts 
largely  for  the  apparently  easy  manners  of  the  negroes. 
One  black  girl  in  this  school  suffered  a  sort  of  undulat 
ing  squirming  wriggle  that  "ran  all  over"  her  when  she 
was  embarrassed  at  missing  a  question.  When  the  county 
superintendent  stood  up  to  count  the  children  there  was 
almost  painful  silence  in  the  room,  though  a  moment  be- 


283 

fore  the  children  seemed  to  be  paying  no  attention  to  the 
white  visitors. 

The  recitation  in  physiology  consisted  of  reading  the 
text  (one  book  to  every  four  pupils)  and  then  proving 
incontestably  that  nothing  had  been  learned.  The  only 
child  that  seemed  to  know  anything  was  a  lank  chap, 
very  black,  of  the  Guinea  type,  and  the  perfect  picture  of 
good  humor  and  amiability.  He  was  probably  the  best 
specimen  of  a  "white  man's  nigger"  in  the  room:  good- 
natured,  docile,  respectful  and  willing.  The  highest  class 
studied  the  fourth  reader. 

On  the  way  back  I  questioned  the  county  superin 
tendent  with  regard  to  a  comparison  between  the  country 
and  the  town  schools  among  the  negroes.  Though  the 
town  schools  are  better  equipped  and  have  better  teachers, 
often  excellent  teachers,  according  to  the  superintendent, 
the  net  result  for  character  is  about  the  same.  "There  is 
no  moral  uplift  and  no  relation  between  the  school  and 
life,"  said  the  superintendent.  And  most  of  the  county 
superintendents  seem  to  agree  with  my  friend's  state 
ment. 

When  the  negro  teachers  talk  of  practical  and  moral 
matters  to  the  children  in  the  presence  of  the  whites  their 
speech  has  a  hollow,  unreal  sound.  Perhaps  some  of  them 
speak  more  earnestly  when  the  whites  are  not  around. 
But  I  am  afraid  that  the  neat  and  dignified  dress  of  the 
teachers — 'for  in  my  experience  the  two  schools  we 
visited  in  this  county  are  typical  so  far  as  the  dress  of 
the  teacher  is  concerned — is  not  the  outward  and  visible 
sign  of  priestly  helpfulness,  for  it  would  seem  that  the 
teacher  very  seldom  got  close  to  the  hearts  of  the  chil 
dren.  This  school,  though  better  off  as  to  teachers  than 
the  Zion  Hill  school,  was  perhaps  even  more  depressing, 
not  only  on  account  of  the  presence  of  the  little  octoroons, 


284        Race  SDrtftoDorp  in  tbe 

but  also  because  of  the  "depressed  dignity"  of  the  teacher, 
who  evidently  felt  that  he  had  something  of  the  gentle 
man  in  him  that  we  whites  did  not  appreciate. 

In  discussing  negro  traits  the  superintendent  illus 
trated  the  "ingratitude"  of  the  negro  by  telling  me  of  a 
negro  girl  who  had  been  in  his  household  for  twelve 
years  (from  five  years  old  to  seventeen)  as  a  nurse  girl. 
When  her  people  wanted  her  to  go  home  she  wept  copi 
ously  and  took  a  long  time  to  decide  that  she  could 
break  away.  But  after  she  left  she  seemed  to  have  no 
further  interest  in  the  family,  although  at  the  parting 
she  had  been  given  additional  food  and  raiment  and 
money  in  her  purse. 

But  was  this  a  case  of  ingratitude?  The  county  super 
intendent,  being  a  careful  man  and  knowing  that  nobody 
understands  the  negro,  would  not  venture  to  make  a 
dogmatic  statement. 

At  a  negro  teachers'  institute  next  day  I  asked  the 
negroes  to  tell  me  what  they  thought  about  the  common 
accusation  of  the  whites  that  the  "average"  negro  lacked 
sympathy  toward  his  kind,  gratitude,  resentfulness  and 
intellectual  curiosity.  Most  of  them  would  not  express 
an  opinion;  nor  did  I  blame  them.  Those  who  talked 
were  afraid  that  the  "lower  types  of  colored  folks"  did 
have  the  traits  attributed  to  them.  The  white  conductor 
of  the  institute,  although  he  treated  these  negro  teachers 
as  if  they  had  been  sixth  grade  children,  sturdily  de 
fended  the  negroes  from  the  accusation  of  ingratitude 
and  lack  of  sympathy.  Nevertheless,  though  he  spoke 
of  the  sympathy  and  gratitude  of  negroes  toward  him, 
his  contention  simply  bore  out  the  statement  of  Rev. 
Dr.  Hedleston  of  the  University  of  Mississippi,  namely, 
that  negroes  are  often  kind  and  sympathetic  toward 
whites  in  far  greater  degree  than  they  are  toward  their 


285 

own  kind.  Their  respect  for  the  whites,  and  their  "op 
timism"  (as  my  friend,  the  conductor  at  this  institute, 
put  it),  which  makes  them  feel  that  "there's  nothing  really 
the  matter  with  that  (supposedly  sick)  nigger,"  may  in 
part  account  for  the  phenomenon.  I  have  authentic  in 
formation  of  a  negro  who  faithfully  nursed  a  negro 
woman  that  was  sick  in  a  house  several  miles  away,  but 
who  neglected  the  same  woman  when  she  was  sick  in  his 
house,  so  that  she  died.  I  asked  my  informant  to  ex 
plain  the  anomaly.  He,  too,  is  a  cautious  man  and 
would  not  commit  himself,  but  suggested  that  the  negro 
appreciated  the  "company"  he  found  at  the  house  several 
miles  off,  and  didn't  find  the  nursing  interesting  or  heroic 
at  his  own  home.  Who  knows?  How  pitiably  little  we 
know  about  the  brother  in  black.  And  how  necessary 
it  is  that  we  understand  his  traits  of  character  if  we  are 
going  to  educate  him,  and  if  we  are  to  solve  the  negro 
problem. 

A  year  of  "microscopic"  psychological  work  in  Missis 
sippi,  if  carried  on  by  people  who  knew  what  the  valuable 
facts  were  and  could  sympathetically  and  scientifically 
interpret  them,  would  be  worth  all  the  books  on  the 
negro  question  put  together,  not  because  some  of  these 
books  are  not  valuable,  but  because  they  tell  us  nothing 
internally  real  about  negro  character  and  the  psychology 
of  race  prejudice.  And  these  things  are  the  "facts"  we 
most  need  to  know  in  solving  any  human  problem  that 
pertains  to  racial  contact  and  racial  efficiency.  The  mania 
for  deductive  statement  and  premature  generalization  has 
prevented  first-hand  minute  study  of  the  little  things  of 
character  that  science  has  need  of.  The  "little  knowl 
edge"  of  the  average  intelligent  white  Southerner  may 
ultimately  prove  even  more  deadly  to  the  negro  and  to 
the  white  also  than  do  even  the  sentimental  vaporings  of 


286       mace  2DrtftoDo*p  in  tfte  Soutft 

benevolent  idealists  without  practical  knowledge.  First 
of  all,  men  need  and  want  justice:  and  the  first  requisite 
in  doing  a  man  justice  is  to  appreciate  his  common  hu 
manity  and  his  capacity  for  progress.  This  "justice" 
the  negro  seldom  gets.  Perhaps  there  is  little  hope  that 
he  can  as  a  race  "stand  alone";  but  dogmatic  insistence 
that  he  can  or  cannot  do  this  or  that  is  neither  kind  nor 
scientific,  though  it  may  be  popular  and  profitable  in  a 
political  way  for  some  of  the  "leaders  of  public  opinion 
in  our  beloved  Southland,"  who  are  neither  better  nor 
worse  than  the  other  politicians  of  the  world. 

Wishing,  as  I  do,  that  there  was  not  a  negro  on  Amer 
ican  soil — though  there  are  many  negroes  whose  charac 
ters  I  esteem — nevertheless  no  "prejudice"  can  make  me 
or  my  kind  blind  to  the  evident  fact  that  the  negro  has  a 
right  to  be  understood  sympathetically  and  scientifically 
before  we  attempt  to  declare  what  education  is  good  for 
him,  or  what  his  fate  shall  ultimately  be.  It  is,  however, 
even  more  important  that  we  understand  and  appreciate 
the  Southern  white  man's  point  of  view. 

When  we  came  out  of  the  institute  above  referred  to 
my  white  companion  said:  "Only  one  of  those  negroes 
was  impudent."  He  referred  to  the  teacher  of  Bantu 
type,  who  evidently  resented  being  treated  as  a  child  by 
saying  very  deliberately  that  his  reason  for  not  knowing 
a  problem  was  that  he-^-had — probably — not — given — 
sufficient — study.  I  hope  that  my  friend  the  conductor 
forgave  him  for  his  attempt  to  express  his  valuation  of 
his  own  manhood! 


IV.    A  COUNTY  INSTITUTE  FOR  NEGRO 
TEACHERS 

(Report  of  the  conductor  of  Negro  Institute,  Yalobusha  County, 
Miss.,  held  at  Coffeeville,  Sept.,  1912.) 

Custom  has  decreed  that,  although  white  people  may 
not  teach  negroes  in  the  South  *  without  loss  of  social 
prestige,  one  may  conduct  a  negro  institute,  presumably 
because  there  are  so  few  negroes  that  can  do  such  work, 
and,  perhaps,  also  because  one  need  have  no  sort  of  social 
contact  with  the  negroes.  Apparently  the  average  white 
conductor  of  a  negro  institute  seems  to  think  it  ad 
visable  to  "take  the  negro  as  he  finds  him";  pay  little 
attention  to  punctuality  and  regularity  of  attendance; 
give  the  negroes  copious  opportunities  to  spell  and  to 
"work  examples"  or  have  them  worked  by  the  conductor; 
and  talk  to  the  teachers  occasionally  in  a  way  that  will 
help  the  negroes  to  "keep  their  places"  and  teach  their 
pupils  to  obey  this  one  commandment  without  which  let 
all  negroes  be  accursed!  Intending  to  do  nothing  that 
will  alienate  from  me  the  entire  confidence  of  my  own 
race  as  represented  by  the  white  people  of  the  South, 
nevertheless  I  am  fully  persuaded  that  these  same  white 
folk  have  to  the  full  the  humanitarian  principles  and  feel 
ings  possessed  by  any  other  people,  and  that  they  wish 
the  negro  well,  provided  he  "keeps  his  place,"  and  pro 
vided  he  and  his  friends  do  nothing  to  endanger  "white 
supremacy."  Hence  I  determined  to  have  this  institute 

*Except  in  Charleston,  S.  C     (?) 

287 


288       mace  2>rtt)oDoip  in  tfce  &outi) 

make  for  the  betterment  of  the  negro,  and  at  the 
same  time  have  him  realize  even  more  than  he  does 
that  his  fate  is  in  the  hands  of  his  white  neighbors,  so 
far  as  any  people's  future  can  be  under  the  control  of 
another  people. 

The  nation  as  a  whole  is  tired  of  the  negro  and  the 
negro  question,  and  is  greatly  inclined  to  leave  the  whole 
matter  in  the  hands  of  the  white  people  of  the  South. 
So  long  as  the  dominant  race  knows  that  one  who  is 
working  to  help  the  negroes  is  not  simply  a  "philan 
thropic"  upholder  of  abstract  human  "rights,"  but  be 
lieves  that  all  rights — at  least  in  their  expression — must 
be  subordinate  to  the  public  welfare,  no  hostility  toward 
his  work  need  be  feared.  Many  abnormally  suspicious 
Southern  whites  are  in  their  heart  of  hearts  inclined  to 
think  that  ultimately  the  race  problem  will  be  settled  by 
"amalgamation";  and  this  dread  of  the  future  unsatis 
factory  solution  makes  them  look  askance  on  any  sort 
of  relation  between  whites  and  negroes  that  may  even 
possibly  give  the  negro  the  impression  that  the  funda 
mental  tenet  of  the  Southern  racial  faith  may  in  some 
wise  be  relaxed  ultimately. 

Although  I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  inter 
marriage  between  the  races  will  never  come,  and  that 
illicit  admixture  is  on  the  decrease,  I  nevertheless  deem 
it  wise  to  guard  with  the  utmost  care  all  presumably 
possible  approaches  to  any  sort  of  assertion  of  negro 
"equality."  Abstract  human  rights  are  one  thing;  the 
assertion  of  them  and  attempt  to  have  them  function 
here  and  now  are  quite  other  things.  The  white  race  is 
in  control;  and  hence  its  welfare  must  be  first  considered 
when  questions  of  public  concern  arise.  Whatever  the 
theory  of  the  matter  may  be,  the  negro  must,  under  pres 
ent  conditions  of  racial  contact,  be  willing  to  be  treated 


a  Countg  Srmitute  for  Jl3egro  Ceacfters  289 

as  a  people  under  tutelage,  and  trust  to  the  real  man 
hood  of  good  men  in  the  South. 

Were  it  not  that  citizenship  in  a  democratic  state  is 
ultimately  based  on  at  least  potential  social  equality,  it 
would  be  possible  to  give  the  negro  all  rights  of  citizen 
ship;  but  under  the  circumstances  he  must  ask  for  a 
child's  right  of  protection  and  guidance  rather  than  for 
adult  justice.  That  such  a  status  bears  rather  heavily 
on  divers  individuals  of  the  negro  race  is  undoubtedly 
true.  But  the  superior  negroes  must  be  content  to  "die 
that  they  may  live."  Such  is  the  solidarity  of  race  and 
such  the  inclusiveness  and  vigor  of  the  vague  instinct 
underlying  "race  prejudice"  that  each  negro  must  sub 
mit  to  be  ranked  as  a  representative  of  his  race  rather 
than  as  an  independent  man  in  full  possession  of  indi 
vidual  human  rights. 

The  race  platform  written  by  the  conductor  of  the 
institute  and  unanimously  adopted  by  the  teachers  at 
tempts  to  conserve  both  the  ideal  principles  of  human 
nature  and  the  real  facts  of  the  racial  situation  at  the 
South.  Hence  I  am  here  stating  my  attitude,  so  as  to 
show  the  temper  in  which  I  conducted  the  work. 

The  organization  of  the  institute  was  substantially  the 
same  as  that  adopted  at  a  white  institute  held  a  few 
weeks  before  by  myself.  Three  phases  of  work  were 
attempted:  (i)  Methods  and  other  professional  help 
given  through  the  lectures  of  the  conductor;  (2)  round- 
tables,  presided  over  by  some  of  the  more  experienced 
teachers,  in  which  round-table  discussions  the  teachers 
had  an  opportunity  to  exchange  views  and  gain  help 
from  one  another,  and  in  which  the  conductor  took  care 
that  only  useful  lines  of  discussion  had  the  right  of  way; 
(3)  informal  talks  occasionally  by  the  conductor  in 
which  he  attempted  to  show  the  moral  and  religious  bear- 


290       Race  S)rtt)otiorp  in  tfte 

ing  of  education  in  the  development  of  character.  Of 
course,  the  last-named  feature,  in  the  case  of  this  negro 
institute,  was  adapted  to  the  actual  moral  and  religious 
needs  of  the  negroes,  and  had  special  reference  to  their 
racial  status.  Each  feature  of  the  institute  seemed  to 
meet  the  needs  of  the  teachers.  When  the  conductor 
offered  to  devote  some  portion  of  the  time  to  text-book 
work  the  leading  teachers  asked  him  to  adhere  to  his 
original  plan,  saying  that  the  teachers  ought  to  "get  up 
their  examinations  themselves,"  and  not  expect  the  in 
stitute  to  help  them  get  their  licenses.  In  order  that  the 
young  teachers  might  have  some  help  in  getting  ready 
for  examination,  some  of  the  older  teachers  gave  them 
practical  help  immediately  before  the  morning  session, 
during  the  midday  intermission,  and  after  the  afternoon 
session.  The  negroes,  both  teachers  and  taught,  did  this 
voluntary  work  cheerfully  and  faithfully. 

I  was  told  that  it  would  be  of  no  use  to  attempt  to 
exact  punctuality  and  regular  attendance.  Nevertheless, 
I  had  the  roll  called  at  each  session,  and  was  delighted 
to  find  that  the  negroes  would  practice  punctuality  and 
regularity  when  properly  incited  to  do  so.  They  saw 
that  I  wanted  to  help  them  and  that  I  was  genuinely  in 
terested  in  their  welfare.  If  the  teacher  is  perfunctory, 
the  pupils  will  be  so  likewise.  But  all  races  and  people 
respond  to  human  kindness  if  it  be  judicious,  practical 
and  firm. 

The  attendance  increased  as  the  institute  progressed, 
though  it  was  supposed  that  the  negroes  would  not  re 
main  for  the  full  week.  All  sorts  and  conditions  were 
represented  among  the  little  band  present.  There  were 
several  teachers  of  long  experience — one  or  two  had 
taught  for  thirty  years.  Then  there  were  several  who 
had  not  taught  a  day.  There  were  ex-slaves  and  there 


a  Count?  3n.0titute  for  JI3egro  Ceacfcers  291 

were  representatives  of  negro  colleges.  At  least  one  of 
the  teachers  had  been  prominent  in  politics  during  Recon 
struction  times.  But  the  unity  of  spirit  was  remarkable ; 
and  no  less  striking  was  the  dignity  of  character,  the 
self-control  and  yet  perfect  naturalness  and  spontaneity. 
All  seemed  to  be  fond  of  fun  and  laughed  heartily  at 
times.  They  joked  one  another  freely  during  the  round- 
table  discussions.  Nevertheless,  their  docility  and  their 
quickness  to  appreciate  the  proprieties  were  very  notice 
able.  I  found  them  entirely  frank  as  to  the  characteristic 
weaknesses  of  the  masses  of  their  race.  What  might 
have  seemed  pomposity  or  bumptiousness  proved  to  be 
childlike  expressiveness,  or  dramatic  make-believe,  when 
more  closely  observed.  It  is  strange  that  many  of  the 
observers  of  negro  character  so  easily  charge  these 
people  with  bumptiousness  when  it  is  so  evident  that 
most  of  them  delight  in  playing  a  part  and  in  "showing 
off"  as  children  do. 

They  evinced  a  most  interesting  combination  of  un- 
conventionality  and  politeness.  Indeed,  the  better  ne 
groes  in  the  South  are  really  a  very  adaptable  and  ver 
satile  people,  possessed  of  a  certain  kind  of  social  tact 
that  helps  to  explain  why  they  are  not  "accommodating 
enough"  either  to  give  up  in  despair  or  to  commit  con 
stant  errors  of  behavior  toward  the  white  people. 

The  negroes  seem  to  be  a  cautious  race;  hence  the 
whites  are  inclined  to  doubt  the  negro's  belief  in  his  own 
rights.  I  doubt  whether  we  have  a  right  to  call  them 
unrevengeful  and  ungrateful,  and  so  on.  For  their  ap 
parent  lack  of  resentment  is  clearly  due  in  many  cases  to 
caution,  in  other  cases  to  amiability,  and  not  seldom  to 
the  thorough  way  in  which  they  have  been  trained  to 
respect  white  people.  True,  they  do  not  as  a  rule  seem 
to  possess  the  sullen,  steady,  deep-seated  revengefulness 


292       Race  ffi>rtboDo*p  in  tbe  South 

popularly  ascribed  to  the  American  Indian ;  but,  then,  the 
negro,  in  spite  of  being  so  close  to  "savagery,"  usually 
has  an  eye  for  results.  He  may  be  unthrifty ;  but  he  is 
certainly  capable  of  remarkable  self-control,  as  well  as 
of  painstaking  thrift.  Although  I  have  observed  negro 
character  all  my  life,  I  find  a  great  difference  between 
the  conventional  observations  of  my  youth  and  the  more 
disinterested  and  discriminating  study  of  the  last  nine 
years,  during  which  my  observation  has  been  more  direct 
and  careful.  The  negro's  lack  of  dignity  of  character 
has  always  been  a  source  of  lack  of  confidence  in  the 
race;  but  although  the  teachers  in  this  institute  repre 
sent  a  higher  grade  of  negro  character,  they  do  prove 
to  my  satisfaction  that  the  term  negro  by  no  means  con 
notes  shallowness  and  futility  in  the  deeper  emotional 
life.  I  shall  never  forget  the  mingling  of  constraint, 
pathetic  sense  of  gratitude,  and  childlike  expressiveness 
of  some  of  the  young  women  when  with  faltering  lips 
they  strove  to  express  in  open  institute  their  appreciation 
of  what  the  conductor  had  striven  to  do  for  them.  The 
calling  down  of  God's  blessings  on  one's  head  by  these 
simple  folk  is  an  experience  that  I  should  like  some  of 
our  Southern  radicals  to  experience.  The  young  women 
in  the  institute  evidently  felt  the  strangeness  of  speaking 
in  terms  of  gratitude  of  a  white  man,  but,  nevertheless, 
were  not  to  be  deterred  from  expressing  their  feelings. 
The  result  was  pathetic  in  its  poignant  humanness. 

One  night,  at  the  request  of  the  institute,  I  spoke  to 
the  colored  people  generally  at  one  of  their  churches.  I 
took  two  prominent  white  citizens  along  with  me  as 
"witnesses."  Experience  has  warned  me  that  above  all 
things  an  investigator  of  the  negro  question  must  avoid 
even  the  appearance  of  evil  in  talking  to  the  negroes 
with  regard  to  their  relations  to  the  whites.  The  gentle- 


a  Coimtp  Stwitute  for  H3e0to  Ceacfiew  293 

men  just  mentioned  avowed  sympathy  with  everything  I 
said  to  the  negroes.  Although  both  men  were  above 
suspicion  as  to  their  Caucasian  and  Southern  orthodoxy, 
they  nevertheless  thought  it  best  to  tell  no  one  that  they 
had  gone  to  the  meeting.  In  other  words,  they  avoided 
the  necessity  of  making  explanations. 

During  my  speech  I  reviewed  the  disasters  of  Recon 
struction  and  drew  a  rather  dark  picture  of  the  status 
of  the  negro  at  present;  but  I  did  not  refrain  from  ex 
pressing  my  firm  belief,  as  part  of  my  belief  in  God,  that 
the  negro  folk,  somehow,  somewhere,  in  God's  good  time, 
would  have  the  opportunity  of  the  fullest  development 
of  which  they  as  a  people  were  capable,  although  they 
must  be  content  with  a  subordinate  place  as  long  as  the 
two  races  dwelt  together.  One  of  the  leading  negroes 
said  to  me  afterwards :  "You  carried  us  so  deep  into  the 
darkness  that  I  was  'most  afraid  you  wouldn't  get  us 
out!"  This  remark  is  typical.  It  combines  humor,  pa 
tience,  cheerfulness,  faith  and  childlike  expressiveness. 

As  among  the  whites,  discipline  proved  to  be  the  most 
popular  topic.  The  discussion  of  corporal  punishment 
reminded  me  of  similar  discussions  in  white  institutes 
thirty  years  ago.  However,  it  was  interesting  to  know 
that  some  of  the  oldest  teachers,  ex-slaves,  had  found 
out  the  dangers  and  inutility  of  constant  corporal  pun 
ishment.  One  teacher  put  on  the  board  as  a  recipe  for 
good  discipline  the  single  word,  "kindness."  I  amended 
by  prefixing  the  word  "firm."  I  think  that  this  sugges 
tion,  perhaps  partly  because  the  incident  was  a  little 
dramatic,  made  a  deeper  impression  on  the  institute  than 
anything  else  I  did.  At  any  rate,  several  teachers  men 
tioned  it  at  the  last,  and  especially  thanked  me  for  show 
ing  that  kindness  and  firmness  must  go  together  in  dis 
cipline.  I  reminded  them  that  sometimes  one  must  be 


294       Race  2Drtf)oDo*p  in  tfte 

even  rigid  in  order  to  be  kind,  and  that  they  must  so 
regard  some  of  the  treatment  their  white  friends  be 
stowed  on  them.  Indeed,  it  is  sometimes  necessary  to 
run  the  risk  of  hurting  the  feelings  of  the  whole  negro 
race  in  order  to  keep  down  the  foolish  and  dangerous 
effervescence  of  some  misguided  negroes.  "Whom  He 
loveth  He  chasteneth"  has  been  said  of  the  Deity  Him 
self.  And  the  negroes  must  learn  that  their  true  friends 
are  not  necessarily  those  that  tell  negroes  of  their  ab 
stract  rights,  but  rather  those  that  remind  them  of  their 
duties  of  patience  and  self-control  and  humility.  If 
ever  a  race  needed  to  conquer  by  serving,  the  negro  race 
is  Such  a  one.  No  good  will  ever  come  to  the  negroes 
from  their  "leaders"  speaking  of  the  "so-called  negro 
problem,"  and  so  on.  These  leaders  must  learn  to 
realize  that  there  is  always  a  problem,  a  most  serious 
and  deadly  one,  when  one  race  holds  another  in  spiritual 
bondage,  without  intending  to  give  that  other  the  free 
rights  of  citizenship,  because  of  the  inevitable  connec 
tion  of  all  human  rights  with  the  only  worth-while 
rights  of  free  manhood, — liberty,  equality  and  frater 
nity. 

To  assume  that  the  negro's  thrift  and  soberness  and 
the  like  will  make  him  a  citizen  and  the  possessor  of 
freely  acknowledged  spiritual  freedom  is  a  most  dan 
gerous  error.  There  is  no  observable  tendency  on  the 
part  of  the  Southern  whites  to  allow  the  negroes  as  a 
race  to  become  complete  citizens;  nor  is  there  any  ten 
dency  to  treat  individual  negroes  as  individuals  rather 
than  as  members  of  a  race.  To  suppose  that  the  ac 
quirement  of  thrifty  habits  and  facility  in  a  trade  will 
spiritually  free  the  negro  is  an  absurd  blunder  held,  I 
hope,  by  no  one.  Industrial  education  and  the  like  are 
good  in  themselves,  but  economic  and  intellectual  growth, 


a  Countg  3n$tftute  for  I3egro  Ceac&ers  295 

even  along  with  moral  and  spiritual  development,  will 
not  necessarily  change  one  iota  the  social  status  of  the 
negro.  Although  negroes  may  not  seek  to  mingle  so 
cially  with  the  whites,  they  remain  unfree  as  a  race  just 
so  long  as  the  race  barrier  is  raised  against  them  so 
cially,  just  so  long  as  higher  types  of  negro  individuals 
are  treated  simply  as  representatives  of  an  inferior  race. 
Granted  that  this  will  always  be  so  under  the  general 
conditions  as  they  obtain  to-day,  and  one  grants  that 
there  is  a  most  stupendous  race  problem  to  be  solved, — 
the  problem  of  spiritual  slavery  versus  spiritual  free 
dom.  To  separate  social  rights  from  political  and  re 
ligious  and  civic  rights  is  to  do  what  nature  and  his 
torical  democracy  have  never  done.  The  mixing  of 
blood  has  always  solved  social  problems.  Granting  that 
blood  is  not  to  be  mixed,  how  is  the  problem  to  be 
solved?  I  confess  that  it  seems  to  me  necessary  for  the 
negro  race  to  be  regarded  as  inferior  and  subordinate 
until  a  more  complete  segregation  of  the  races  is  effected. 
In  the  absence  of  a  probing  investigation,  however,  this 
segregation  solution  must  be  put  forth  only  tentatively. 
The  above  remarks  may  seem  to  go  far  afield,  but  the 
thoughts  they  convey  continually  suggested  themselves 
to  me  as  the  negroes  discussed  the  discipline  of  their 
own  children.  Must  we  not  treat  in  general  the  negroes 
as  children?  And  do  not  all  children  have  the  same 
general  status,  in  spite  of  vast  individual  differences 
among  them?  Can  we  dare  to  treat  a  few  children  as 
if  they  were  too  grown-up  to  be  called  children?  And 
may  it  not  be  with  a  race  as  with  children  generally, 
that  a  "long  infancy"  leads  to  better  intellectual  results 
than  does  a  precocious  development?  I  am  unable  to 
answer  these  questions  definitely,  and  most  questions 
with  regard  to  the  negro  problem;  but  I  think  that  it  is 


296       Race  S)rtftoOorp  in  tfte 

important  to  ask  them,  and  to  put  them  as  variously  as 
possible,  in  order  that  we  may  the  better  see  the  prob 
lem  in  all  its  bearings. 

I  noticed  no  "impudence"  and  very  little  "servility" 
among  these  negro  teachers.  A  few  of  them  showed  in 
their  street  manners  a  little  exaggeration  of  courtesy. 
In  all  such  cases  the  individuals  had  been  reared  under 
the  regime  of  slavery.  Some  of  the  whites  seem  to  like 
the  "Massa"  style  of  politeness  in  negroes.  For  my 
part,  I  detest  it.  I  can  hardly  understand  how  any  real 
American  should  enjoy  the  manifestations  of  a  servile 
spirit.  Nor  do  I  think  that  there  is  a  real  humility  in 
this  show  of  "the  white  man's  nigger"  exaggerated  re 
spect  for  the  dominant  race ;  but  even  sickening  servility 
is  safer  than  social  assertiveness  and  "independence"  in 
demeanor.  Most  negroes  are  naturally  astute  in  deal 
ing  with  the  white  man,  and  most  of  them  have  a  sense 
of  humor  that  is  anything  but  servile.  I  doubt  whether 
the  negro  that  always  has  the  word  "Boss"  on  his  lips 
is  either  especially  polite  or  especially  humble;  rather 
he  is  habituated  to  the  use  of  servile  words,  or  else 
cunning  enough  to  know  that  they  serve  as  a  convenient 
mask.  I  have  expressed  this  doubt  to  several  repre 
sentative  "polite"  negroes,  and  the  look  of  deep  intel 
ligence  on  their  face  when  the  matter  was  broached  was 
very  illuminating.  "Playing  'possum"  seems  to  be  a 
device  of  natural  selection  in  the  interests  of  survival. 
Many  of  us  who  belong  to  the  white  race,  however,  feel 
nothing  but  humiliation  and  shame  when  we  find  that  we 
are  causing  negroes  to  adapt  themselves  to  our  arro 
gance  by  the  use  of  pseudo-humble  words  and  a  de 
meanor  of  pretended  servility. 

Let  me  repeat  here,  what  I  have  often  said  before,  that 
it  is  one  thing,  and  an  entirely  proper  thing,  to  depre- 


a  Count?  institute  for  r^egro  Ceac&ew  297 

cate  all  social  intercourse  between  the  races,  and  a  very 
different  thing  to  deny  the  democratic  principle  that  a 
man's  worth  depends  on  his  character  and  not  on  his 
race.  Let  every  white  man  oppose  with  all  his  might 
anything  that  may  be  construed  by  negroes  as  an  ap 
proach  to  social  communion  between  the  races;  but  let 
him  at  the  same  time  take  this  attitude  conscientiously, 
because  it  seems  best  under  the  circumstances,  and  not 
because  he  wishes  to  humiliate  "niggers."  It  is  well  if 
our  "instincts"  go  with  our  conscience  in  this  matter  of 
drawing  the  color  line ;  but  race  enmity  should  not  enter 
into  our  attitude,  and  we  should  not  forswear  our  demo 
cratic  principles  simply  because  wise  and  foreseeing  ex 
pediency,  perhaps  fused  with  natural  feeling,  tells  us 
to  block  all  approaches  to  "social  recognition"  for  ne 
groes. 

However,  let  me  not  be  misunderstood.  I  believe  that 
our  attitude  in  drawing  the  social  color  line  is  distinctly 
different  from  that  in  our  minds  when  we  keep  certain 
"undesirable"  white  persons  in  their  "place."  I  believe 
that  it  is  right  to  let  every  negro  understand  fully  and 
clearly  that  we  refrain  from  giving  him  social  recog 
nition  not  because  he  is  individually  unsuitable,  but  be 
cause  he  is  a  negro,  and  it  is  not  wise  or  seemly  to  treat 
even  the  highest  negro  as  if  he  were  on  the  same  footing 
with  any  type  of  white  man  whatsoever.  I  may  be  will 
ing  to  grant  that  he  is  personally  much  superior  to  certain 
white  men;  but  his  social  status  is  one,  so  far  as  social 
mingling  is  concerned,  different  in  kind  from  that  of 
the  humblest  white  man;  for  the  white  man's  grand 
children  may  win  our  fullest  social  recognition,  and  the 
negro's  descendants  cannot  advance  one  step  toward  the 
welcome  that  we  extend  socially  to  white  individuals 
who  have  shown  themselves  to  be  fit  for  the  higher  social 


298       Race  2)rtf)oDorp  in  tfje 

life.  I  am  willing  to  tell  the  negro  that  he  is  able  to 
become  socially  "equal"  to  anything  he  may  hold  up  as 
a  standard;  but  that  admission  will  not  abate  one  tittle 
of  my  rigidity  in  contending  that  all  possible  social  com 
munion  between  the  races  must  be  regarded  as  anath 
ema.  For  instance,  following  the  custom  in  vogue 
among  the  white  people  of  Memphis  in  school  circles,  I 
called  the  negro  teachers  "Mister,"  etc. ;  but  I  was  care 
ful  to  tell  them  that  the  title  was  official  only.  One  may 
regret  to  have  to  make  any  such  declaration; — but  here 
again  we  have  a  case  where  apparent  cruelty  is  real 
kindness.  Not  a  few  negroes  put  a  false  construction 
on  any  indication  of  unusual  courtesy.  Most  whites  in 
the  South  realize  the  dilemma  of  the  Kentucky  Colonel 
who  was  at  a  loss  as  to  what  to  call  Booker  Washington, 
and  compromised  by  dubbing  him  "professor" ! 

After  the  negroes  had  unanimously  adopted  the  "plat 
form"  that  I  had  prepared  at  their  request,  they  asked 
for  permission  to  express  themselves  with  regard  to  the 
institute.  Of  course  their  expressions  took  the  form 
of  appreciative  statements  with  respect  to  the  work  of 
the  conductor.  Their  "tongue-tied  simplicity"  would,  as 
I  have  already  said,  have  softened  the  hearts  of  various 
white  radicals  had  these  been  present.  Practically  all 
the  teachers  present  were  childlike  believers  in  Jesus  as 
the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God ;  and  as  they  spoke 
in  childish  accents  of  their  respectful  gratitude  I  could 
not  but  think  of  the  saying  of  that  same  Jesus :  "Whoso 
shall  offend  one  of  these  little  ones  which  believe  in  me, 
it  were  better  for  him  that  a  millstone  were  hanged  about 
his  neck  and  that  he  were  drowned  in  the  depths  of  the 
sea."  In  calling  attention  to  the  following  platform 
which  the  teachers  adopted  after  debate  and  reference 
to  a  committee,  I  do  not  wish  to  have  it  thought  that  I 


a  Count?  Institute  for  H2egto  Ceacfters  299 

attribute  any  extraordinary  value  to  the  document  it 
self;  but  I  do  frankly  think  that  it  has  a  typical  value  in 
showing  how  the  two  racial  points  of  view  can  be  recon 
ciled  at  the  present,  pending  a  full  and  worthy  study  of 
the  whole  question  of  the  relations  between  the  races. 

After  a  week's  work  with  these  colored  teachers  two 
impressions  were  deepened  in  my  mind:  First  that  we 
white  folk,  especially  those  of  us  that  are  Southerners, 
should  ever  ponder  in  our  hearts  the  idea  of  the  meaning 
of  such  phrases  as  "noblesse  oblige/'  "chivalry,"  "the 
grand  old  name  of  gentleman" ;  and,  second,  that  while 
we  must  do  all  in  our  power  to  render  ultimately  justice 
and  freedom  rather  than  mere  pity  and  condescension, 
we  must  do  nothing  to  make  the  least  white  man  feel  that, 
as  a  white  man,  he  is  at  a  disadvantage  as  compared  with 
the  loftiest  type  of  negro.  Let  the  "higher"  negro's  life 
and  character  shame  the  "lower"  white  man,  and  stimu 
late  him  into  greater  exertion  to  prove  himself  worthy  of 
his  race;  but  let  not  this  same  white  man  feel  that  any 
of  us  are  willing  that  he  should  go  down  beneath  the 
negro  because  of  the  latter's  superiority  in  apparent  char 
acter  and  prosperity.  "The  Jew  first" 


V.    PLATFORM  OF   PRINCIPLES  AND 
PROMISES 

(Sept.,  1912.    Prepared  at  request  of  institute.) 

We,  the  colored  teachers  of  Yalobusha  County,  Mis 
sissippi,  in  institute  assembled  at  Coffeeville,  hereby 
adopt  the  following  platform  of  principles  and  promises, 
and  pledge  ourselves  to  put  these  resolutions  into  prac 
tice  as  far  as  we  are  able,  God  helping  us : 

I.  Whatever  else  we  may  do  as  teachers,  we  promise 
to  teach  our  pupils  the  dignity  of  all  honest  labor  and 
the  meanness  and  dishonesty  of  idleness  and  vagrancy; 
the  sense  of  responsibility,  especially  staunchness  in  carry 
ing  out  their  promises  and  other  obligations,  and  in 
attention  to  punctuality,  neatness  and  accuracy  in  all  their 
work,  whether  in  school  or  elsewhere ;  the  duty  of  prompt 
obedience  to  parents,  teachers  and  all  in  authority  over 
them;  respect  for  law  and  cheerful  willingness  to  aid 
in  the  suppression  of  vice  and  crime ;  the  value  of  physical 
and  moral  cleanness,  and  the  horrible  danger  and  wretch 
edness  brought  about  by  wild  passions  and  lack  of  sober 
self-control.  We  call  upon  our  ministers  and  other  "in 
fluential  people,  including  the  white  people  who  regard 
us  as  God's  humble  children,  to  aid  us  in  teaching  the 
children  of  our  race  to  be  self-respecting  but  modest, 
patient  but  hopeful,  thrifty  but  generous.  However  un 
fair  it  may  seem  to  call  our  race  childish  and  yet  expect 
full-developed  conduct  from  us,  we  realize  that  we  must 

300 


Platform  of  Principle*  and  Promises  301 

be  more  than  usually  worthy  in  order  to  gain  the  respect 
of  the  world  and  soften  its  prejudice  against  us. 

Believing  that  much  crime  and  misery  are  due  to  bad 
health,  and  that  the  progress  of  our  race  is  endangered 
by  reason  of  the  carelessness  of  our  people  as  to  the 
health  of  their  bodies,  we  promise  to  teach  practical 
hygiene  and  sanitation  as  if  it  were  a  part  of  our  re 
ligion,  an  aspect  of  godliness  rather  than  "something 
next  to  godliness."  We  ask  our  white  friends  to  help 
us  maintain  proper  health  conditions  not  only  because 
we  believe  that  the  white  people  as  a  rule  wish  us  well, 
but  also  because  their  health  and  their  children's  is  en 
dangered  by  our  diseases. 

No  religious  faith  is  worth  while  unless  it  renews  our 
characters  and  renders  our  daily  conduct  purer,  more 
dutiful  and  more  thoughtful.  We  therefore  promise  to 
teach  our  pupils,  and  influence  others  to  believe,  that  the 
"good  ground  of  an  honest  and  a  good  heart' '  is  the 
proper  seed-plot  for  the  gospel,  and  we  ask  our  ministers 
to  help  our  people  always  to  associate  religious  feeling 
with  upright,  clean  and  noble  conduct. 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  do  our  utmost  in  having  home 
and  school  and  church  work  together  for  the  practical 
principles  above  set  forth,  and  we  promise  faithfully  to 
teach  our  young  people  the  sacredness  of  home  ties  and 
home  life,  and  to  set  them  a  true  example  by  our  own 
honorable  and  scrupulous  conduct. 

II.  We  urge  our  fellow  teachers  to  trust  in  our  white 
friends  everywhere,  especially  in  the  South,  believing, 
that  while  our  white  friends  regard  it  as  necessary  to 
treat  us  as  a  subordinate  race  in  a  state  of  tutelage,  they 
will  use  their  utmost  endeavors  to  give  us,  in  God's  good 
time,  every  opportunity  for  development  that  all  of  God's 
children  should  have,  especially  in  a  democratic  country. 


302       Race  2Drt!)00o*p  in  tfte  South 

To  this  one  end  we  express  the  fervent  hope  that  the 
race  question  will  be  taken  out  of  politics,  and  studied 
with  the  motive  of  Christianity  and  the  method  of  sci 
ence.  We  hope  and  pray  that  God  will  put  it  into  the 
heart  of  good  men  somewhere  to  bring  about  a  dispas 
sionate  study  of  the  race  question  in  order  that  our 
white  friends  may  be  free  from  anxiety  and  in  order 
that  we  may  look  our  future  in  the  face  intelligently. 

Although  we  believe  that  the  worth  of  every  indi 
vidual  should  be  estimated  in  accordance  with  his  char 
acter,  we  realize  the  dangerous  stupidity  of  making 
claims  for  abstract  equality;  for  some  abstract  rights 
have  no  practical  standing  as  compared  with  the  wel 
fare  of  society,  and  a  dominant  race  must  be  expected 
to  interpret  the  idea  of  social  welfare  in  terms  of  their 
own  success  and  happiness,  first  of  all.  It  should  be 
enough  for  our  race  that  we  practice  social  equality 
among  ourselves  as  far  as  such  practice  is  feasible.  If 
the  present  condition  of  affairs  in  the  South  tends  to 
stunt  our  full  development  as  men  and  citizens,  we  be 
lieve  that  our  Southern  friends,  noted  for  their  chivalrous 
regard  for  the  weak,  will  sooner  or  later  help  us  to  gain 
our  full  spiritual  freedom  in  some  way.  For  their  God 
is  our  God,  and  our  God  is  their  God. 

III.  Whatever  our  fate  as  a  race,  we  need  to  be 
prepared  for  our  future.  If  the  education  given  us  does 
not  produce  right  results,  let  the  education  be  changed 
so  that  it  will  prepare  us  for  life.  Let  dispassionate, 
scientific  men  show  that  all  the  members  of  our  race 
are  fitted  for  nothing  but  manual  labor,  and  we  will 
acquiesce  in  the  decision.  But  so  long  as  men  of  science 
believe  that  individual  differences  are  as  pronounced  in 
our  race  as  in  other  races,  and  as  long  as  our  race  stands 
in  need  of  professional  services  from  our  own  people, 


Platform  of  Principles  anB  promises;  3°3 

we  believe  that  the  more  gifted  among  us  should  re 
ceive  an  education  that  will  enable  them  to  serve  their 
race  in  various  professional  capacities. 

Nevertheless,  it  is  the  opinion  of  educational  leaders 
among  the  whites  and  among  our  own  people  that  we 
especially  need  industrial  education.  As  teachers  of 
Yalobusha  County  we  therefore  promise  to  carry  out 
the  following  scheme  of  activities  through  our  individual 
efforts,  and  through  our  teachers'  association,  our  insti 
tutes  and  in  every  other  feasible  way : 

1.  The  formation  of  corn  clubs,  tomato  clubs,  and 
the  like. 

2.  Attempting  to  ascertain  whether  it  is  feasible  for 
our  county  colored  people  to  have  the  services  of  a 
teacher  of  domestic  science  and  art,  after  the  manner  of 
the  arrangement  about  to  be  made  with  Copiah  County 
by  the  Jeanes  Fund. 

3.  Correspondence  with  the  colored  industrial  schools 
at  Okolona,  Utica  and  elsewhere. 

4.  Working  toward  the  establishment  of  an  agricul 
tural  high  school  in  our  county,  with  the  full  concur 
rence  and  support  of  the  white  people  of  the  county. 

5.  Trying  to  have  at  least  a  few  of  our  more  talented 
pupils  of  good  character  enjoy  greater  educational  op 
portunities  than  the  present  educational  facilities  of  the 
county  afford. 

Unanimously  endorsed  September  20,  1912. 


E.    The  Caste  of  the  Kin. 

I.  SOME  SUPPOSED  RACIAL  TRAITS  OF 
THE  AMERICAN  NEGRO 

(Read  before  Southern  Psychological  Society,  Chattanooga,  Dec., 
1910.) 

The  psychologist  of  to-day  believes  in  the  practical 
value  of  his  science  and  desires  to  see  it  influential  in 
the  affairs  of  everyday  life  without  losing  aught  of  its 
dignified  belief  in  itself  as  an  admirable  academic  dis 
cipline.  There  is  thus  no  need  that  I  should  apologize 
for  putting  forth  a  few  rough  notes  of  a  social-psycho 
logical  or  character-study  nature  before  a  body  of  men 
who  are  none  the  less  interested  in  Southern  problems 
because  of  avowed  interest  in  psychology.  Nor  is  it 
necessary  to  introduce  the  coming  science  of  psychology 
of  character  to  men  who  know  full  well  that  the  appli 
cation  of  psychology  to  the  principles  and  practice  of 
education  constitutes  the  most  important  task  that  the 
mental  and  social  sciences  must  set  themselves. 

The  negro  problem  is  in  great  need  of  characterologi- 
cal  (ethological)  treatment,  for  are  we  not  continually 
saying  that  what  the  negroes  need  is  education  that  shall 
cultivate  their  social,  moral  and  industrial  tendencies  and 
talents?  And  is  not  the  claim  often  made  that  the 
negro's  religious  and  aesthetic  instincts  are  distinctive? 
Consider,  too,  how  true  it  is  that  the  race  question  may 
be  called  one  of  consciousness.  Prejudice,  pride,  enmity 
— what  are  these  but  material  for  the  ethologist  to  study  ? 
I  say  the  ethologist  rather  than  the  psychologist,  because 

304 


Racial  Crafts  of  iQegro   305 

the  former,  the  student  of  character,  is  especially  con 
cerned  in  seeing  the  national,  human  and  educational 
bearings  of  the  study. 

If,  as  seems  likely,  the  apparent  drift  away  from  ille 
gitimate  amalgamation  of  the  two  races  is  conditioned 
by  a  growing  spirit  of  enmity;  if  the  Southerner's  aver 
sion  to  anything  even  remotely  associated  with  possi 
bilities  of  social  communion  between  the  races  is  becom 
ing  more  and  more  the  fashion  in  all  parts  of  the  country ; 
if  the  Southerner  is  becoming  inclined  to  narrow  the 
economic  sphere  of  the  negro — and  all  these  assertions 
are  made  with  some  show  of  reason — an  ethological 
study  of  negro  traits,  even  when  avowedly  based  on 
prevailing  popular  judgments  by  the  white  folk,  may 
have  some  value  in  stimulating  the  more  careful  study 
that,  in  my  earnest  opinion,  is  even  now  the  bounden 
duty  of  the  people  of  this  country. 

Watching  the  trend  of  events  and  discussion,  one  sees 
only  two  so-called  "solutions"  of  the  negro  problem  that 
at  present  appear  to  deserve  careful  consideration :  first, 
that  of  a  parallel  civilization,  with  more  or  less  segrega 
tion  locally  for  the  negro  people;  secondly,  that  of  a 
carefully  planned  organization  of  a  scheme  for  coloniza 
tion  of  the  negroes  to  be  carried  out  during  a  period  of, 
say,  fifty  years.  If  either  of  these  plans  is  finally 
adopted,  the  negro  must  be  appropriately  educated.  Espe 
cially  necessary  is  it  that  those  habits  and  instincts  in 
him  be  trained  that  will  develop  initiative  and  pioneer 
qualities  of  every  kind.  Sooner  or  later  he  must  cut 
himself  loose  from  the  leading  strings  of  the  dominant 
race.  His  racial  self-consciousness  must  be  stimulated. 
His  race  distinctiveness  in  the  psychological  realm  must 
be  brought  to  view.  Are  his  characteristics  such  that  he 
he  may  safely  dwell  in  the  future  within  striking  dis- 


306        Race  DrttwDosp  in  tfte  ®outt) 

tance  of  the  white  man's  masterful  arm?  Will  he  be 
able  to  maintain  himself,  after  a  reasonable  period  of 
tutelage,  without  the  white  man's  helpful  care?  Of 
course  these  questions  have  already  been  answered  off 
hand,  in  opposite  ways,  by  "negro-lovers"  and  "negro- 
haters" — if  I  may  be  allowed  to  disguise  these  easy  gen- 
eralizers  under  uncouth  names.  But  sober  men  of  sci 
ence  ought  to  set  an  example  of  sober  statement,  without 
show  of  sentimentality  and  without  lack  of  moral  ear 
nestness.  I  shall  therefore  be  pardoned  for  a  brief  dis 
cussion  of  the  popular  view  of  negro  traits,  because  of 
my  strong  conviction  that  the  scientific  student  of  char 
acter  must  become  a  leader  in  any  worth-while  study 
of  America's  most  imminent  and  distressing  ethical 
problem. 

I 

Allow  me,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  to  select  six  leading 
tendencies  of  a  primitive  sort  from  my  working  ethologi- 
cal  scheme.  Inasmuch  as  these  tendencies  are  all  noted 
in  popular  appreciation  of  character,  no  harm  will  be 
wrought  by  my  use  of  terms  that  I  cannot  stop  to  ex 
plain. 

The  six  tendencies  I  divide  into  two  groups:  the  first 
group  contains  three  sensational  or  instinctive  tenden 
cies,  and  the  second  three  relational  or  habitual  ten 
dencies.  The  sensational  tendencies  under  consideration 
are:  appropriative,  tendencies  to  take,  seize,  grab,  pick 
up,  acquire,  appropriate;  the  expressive  tendencies,  those 
that  lead  to  gesture,  vocal  expression,  garrulousness, 
show  of  feelings,  strutting,  showing  off,  fashion,  and 
the  like;  the  gregarious  tendencies,  hunger  for  company, 
liking  for  a  crowd,  sociability  of  the  indiscriminate  kind, 
mass  tendencies  in  general. 


8>uppo$eD  Racial  Craits  of  iftegto   307 

The  relational  tendencies  are  the  following :  the  asser 
tive  are  crude  manifestations  of  will,  animal  initiative, 
impulses  leading  to  resentment,  vindictiveness,  and  so 
on;  the  responsive — crude  altruism,  animal  sympathy, 
the  impulse  to  be  en  rapport,  and  other  impulses  of  like 
nature;  perceptive — impulses  of  curiosity,  observation 
and  so  on.  These  too  brief  characterizations  must  suf 
fice  to  hint  at  the  general  nature  of  the  tendency  norms 
of  characterization  used  by  popular  thought.  It  will  be 
noted  that  the  sensational  tendencies  lend  themselves  to 
the  shallower,  more  concrete  forms  of  impulse  and  feel 
ing,  whereas  the  relational  tendencies  are  more  intellec 
tual  and  volitional. 

How  does  popular  observation  judge  negro  character 
with  respect  to  these  primitive  trends  of  character? 

II 

Appropriative.  Popular  judgment  makes  a  joke  of  the 
negro's  supposed  inclination  to  "just  take"  things.  He 
is  supposed  to  purloin  after  a  childish  fashion.  South 
erners  never  tire  of  descanting  on  the  "bucket  brigade." 
Petty  thieving  is  practically  expected  from  the  servants 
in  many  households.  Many  curious  illustrations  are 
given  of  negroes  that  "take"  little  things  without  show 
ing  any  disposition  toward  large  thefts.  It  is  freely 
asserted  that  the  lower  grade  of  negroes  show  no  sense 
of  guilt  when  detected  in  these  petty  pilferings.  Many 
identify  the  average  negro's  proclivity  to  live  from  hand 
to  mouth  with  this  native  tendency  to  appropriate  what 
he  can  lay  his  hands  on. 

Gregarious.  The  negro  is  supposed  to  have  a  passion 
for  company.  It  is  thought  that  funerals  and  weddings 
and  crowds  of  all  kinds  "put  him  in  his  element."  The 


so 8       Race  ©rtboDojp  in  tfte 

whites  aver  that  negroes  will  follow  a  leader  even  to  the 
point  of  showing  much  bravery,  especially  if  the  leader 
is  a  member  of  the  dominant  race.  The  negro's  religious 
fashions  are  also  brought  up  as  illustrations  of  this  pro 
pensity.  When  the  negro  cares  little  for  his  church, 
it  is  averred,  he  more  than  makes  up  for  his  lack  of 
church  attendance  and  religious  mass  emotionalism  by 
his  fondness  for  all  sorts  and  descriptions  of  lodges  and 
associations,  whose  prime  attractions  are  their  general 
sociability  and  sense  of  mass  solidarity.  In  his  careful 
study  of  external  negro  traits,  Dr.  Howard  W.  Odum 
makes  much  of  the  negro's  sociability,  thus  confirming,  in 
a  measure,  the  popular  opinion. 

Expressiveness.  Some  say  that  the  negro  does  not 
sing  and  dance  as  he  used  to.  But  nearly  everyone  calls 
attention  to  the  negro's  boisterous  laughter,  his  love  of 
show,  his  tendency  to  strut  and  show  off,  his  demonstra- 
tiveness  in  greeting  and  in  grief,  his  garrulousness,  his 
love  of  big  words,  his  bumptiousness,  and  so  on.  Of 
course,  reference  is  here  had  to  the  "natural  animal," 
not  to  the  sophisticated  negro  on  his  guard  in  the  pres 
ence  of  whites  or  anxious  to  show  his  respect  for  social 
convention.  His  so-called  imitativeness  is  thought  to  be 
largely  his  love  of  fashion,  which  is  in  part  a  mani 
festation  of  the  expressive  instinct,  when  crudely  dis 
played.  The  negro's  method  of  collecting  money  in 
church,  as  described  by  Dr.  Odum,  is  apparently  another 
instance  of  this  trait. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  negro's  supposed  characteris 
tics  with  regard  to  the  relational  tendencies. 

Assertive.  Nearly  all  observers  agree  that  the  negro 
is  not  resentful.  They  admit  that  he  may  be  roused  to 
fits  of  anger  quite  easily,  but  seem  to  think  that  he  does 
not  cherish  vindictiveness  and  other  deeply  based  pas- 


Racial  Cratts  of  f2egto    309 

sions  of  the  assertive  sort.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
thought  that  he  does  not  show  any  great  degree  of 
initiative;  that  he  lacks  the  "do  or  die"  characteristics; 
that  his  egotism  is  superficial  and  childish  and  not  firm 
and  masculine.  His  vanity  is  regarded  as  expressive 
rather  than  assertive. 

Responsive.  Although  claiming  that  the  negro  is  so 
ciable,  many  observers  deny  his  capacity  for  sympathy, 
gratitude,  and  habitual  altruism.  It  is  claimed  that  he 
does  not  look  after  his  sick  as  he  should;  that  he  has 
little  real  sympathy  for  his  children;  that  he  has  little 
talent  for  friendship,  though  inordinately  fond  of  com 
pany.  He  is  said  to  remember  kindness  no  more  easily 
than  injury.  His  deeds  of  daring  in  behalf  of  white 
people  whose  commands  he  is  accustomed  to  take  and  to 
whose  circle  he  "belongs,"  as  an  humble  retainer  of  "our 
folks,"  are  contrasted  with  his  callousness  toward  his 
own  color. 

Perceptive.  Popular  character  study  does  not  take 
much  note  of  this  trait.  But  those  who  have  spoken 
about  it  seem  inclined  to  deny  that  the  negro  is  observ 
ant  and  full  of  curiosity  about  things  in  general.  One 
observer  tested  several  negroes  that  worked  for  him,  and 
claims  to  have  found  that  they  failed  to  show  the  natu 
ral  curiosity  that  the  average  white  child  would  have 
shown.  "They  don't  notice  things  unless  their  desire  to 
appropriate  or  to  be  like  other  people,  or  something  of 
that  kind,  is  aroused,"  says  the  observer.  Visitors  to 
negro  schools  sometimes  say  that  the  children  are  likely 
to  observe  the  external  features  of  the  visitor's  make-up, 
but  show  little  interest  in  what  he  has  to  tell  them.  Some 
students  of  negro  character  contrast  unfavorably  the 
negro's  mild  powers  of  observation  with  the  American 
Indian's  keenness  of  perception. 


310       Hate  flDrtftaDOHp  in  tbe  Soutft 

Analogous  judgments  are  expressed  with  respect  to 
the  negro's  mental  processes  that  underlie  and  enter  into 
his  character  tendencies.  Thus  it  is  claimed  that  he  is 
sensational  and  affective  rather  than  volitional  and  in 
tellectual.  His  emotions  are  regarded  as  "peripheral" 
or  sensational  rather  than  as  strong  in  relational  and  the 
more  deeply  based  impulsive  elements.  His  imagination 
is  looked  upon  as  merely  concrete  and  sensuous;  his 
assimilative  powers  as  lacking  in  analysis  and  compari 
son,  except  through  superficial  analogy;  his  imitative- 
ness  is  regarded  as  mimetic  rather  than  intellectual  like 
that  of  the  Japanese.  There  is  complaint  on  account  of 
his  feebleness  of  voluntary  attention,  sustained  endeavor, 
enthusiastic  and  continuous  pursuit  of  things  intellectual. 
The  assertion  is  made  that  at  adolescence,  when  the 
average  white  child's  powers  undergo  a  rapid  growth, 
especially  in  the  intellectual  and  volitional  and  deeper 
affective  directions,  the  negro  youth  becomes  stupid  with 
an  access  of  sensuality,  instead  of  the  higher  powers 
of  mind. 

Ill 

How  far  are  these  popular  notions  scientifically  cor 
rect?  No  one,  it  seems  to  me,  is  in  a  position  to  reply, 
for  there  has  been  practically  no  serious  study  of  negro 
character  by  the  trained  psychologist  and  ethologist.  Nor 
has  much  been  found  out  as  to  the  negro's  nervous  sys 
tem.  Dr.  Bean's  study  of  the  negro  brain  that  appeared 
a  few  years  ago  in  the  American  Journal  of  Anatomy 
(Vol.  IV)  goes  far  to  bear  out  the  common  judgment 
as  to  the  average  negro's  characteristics.  He  thought 
that  he  found  the  negro  brain  strong  on  the  sensational 
side  and  weak  in  association  fibers.* 

*Dr.  F.  Boas,  however,  holds  that  Bean's  conclusions  have  been 
refuted  by  Mall  in  A^n.  Jour,  of  Anat.,  Vol.  IX. 


Racial  Ctaits  of  j^cgro    311 

Granting  that  the  popular  opinion  is  correct — simply 
for  the  sake  of  argument — does  it  follow  that  the  usual 
conclusion  with  regard  to  the  negro's  innate  intellectual 
and  volitional  weakness  is  in  any  deep  sense  true?  Is 
the  negro's  trouble  simply  lack  of  development?  Is  his 
social  status  such  that  his  character  has  little  stimulus 
for  development?  Are  the  better  grades  of  negro  brains 
that  have  been  examined  in  any  wise  the  product  of  edu 
cation?  Must  the  negro's  education  be  carried  on  in  a 
fashion  to  develop  his  particular  kind  of  brain  ?  Are  we 
stunting  him  by  subjecting  him  to  the  white  man's  system 
of  culture? 

These  questions,  and  many  like  unto  them,  do  not 
answer  themselves.  Even  Southern  gentlemen  and  ladies 
who  "know  all  about  the  negro"  are  scarcely  capable  of 
speaking  in  terms  of  scientific  accuracy  with  regard  to 
the  immensely  complex  facts  of  an  alien  people.  Nowa 
days  the  whites  very  seldom  have  anything  to  do  with 
the  real  negro  as  he  is  spontaneously  in  the  setting  of  his 
natural  social  environment.  Nor  is  anything  gained  by 
repeating  the  statement,  so  weary  from  overworking, 
that  negro  frontal  sutures  close  prematurely,  and  thus 
stop  brain  development.  Who  knows  that  the  sutures 
in  the  negro  do,  as  a  general  rule,  close  "prematurely"  in 
negro  development,  even  granting  the  truth  of  the  asser 
tion  that  they  do  close  at  a  calendar  age  earlier  than  in 
the  case  of  the  whites?  And  who  knows  that  this  sup 
posed  premature  closing  of  sutures  produces  the  fearful 
effects  attributed  to  it?  Further,  do  the  sutures  close 
early  while  active  education  is  going  on?  These  are 
only  a  few  samples  of  questions  that  should  be  asked  and, 
if  possible,  answered  with  regard  to  the  most  time- 
honored  of  all  anatomical  statements  with  regard  to  the 
negro  race. 


312       Hate  SDrtftoDorg  in  tfte 

To  those  who  claim  that  the  negro  is  essentially  and 
hopelessly  sensational,  sensual,  superficial,  lacking  in  con 
centration  and  initiative,  and  all  the  rest  of  it,  we  may 
well  say,  "Important  if  true."  But  popular  psychology 
cannot  decide  such  questions.  And,  when  most  important 
results  may  depend  on  our  judgment  in  such  a  matter, 
it  seems  heartless  and  stupid  to  neglect  the  scientific 
ascertainment  of  the  truth,  or  as  near  an  approximation 
to  the  truth  as  the  scientific  methods  of  to-day  will 
allow.  Here  is  at  once  home  and  foreign  missionary 
work  for  the  psychologist.  Will  he  get  to  work?  Will 
an  appreciable  amount  of  money  and  time  and  talent  be 
given  to  the  scientific  study  of  a  problem  that  affects 
the  whole  theory  of  modern  civilization  and  the  weal 
or  woe  of  the  Southern  states,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
negro  race  itself  ? 

We  may  not  be  able  to  solve  the  negro  problem  by 
means  of  psychological  and  ethological  and  other  kinds 
of  scientific  research.  But  it  does  seem  clear  that  such 
study  must  contribute  to  the  solution  if  one  is  possible. 
Even  though  investigation  should  not  be  productive  of 
very  important  results,  it  is  sure  to  throw  some  light  upon 
this  dark  and  troubled  problem. 

When  the  Greeks  were  woefully  afflicted  by  a  plague 
that  swept  off  the  flower  of  the  youth  during  dense 
gloom  that  hid  the  animating  beams  of  the  sun,  this  was 
their  prayer:  "O  Father  Zeus,  if  we  must  die,  let  it  be 
in  the  light!"  And  this  ought  to  be  the  prayer  of  the 
South  to-day  in  the  deeper  truth-loving  spirit  of  our 
twentieth  century  civilization  in  this  great  western  land 
of  freedom  and  democracy. 


II.  RACE  SYMPATHY  AND  RACE 
ANTAGONISM 

(Based  on  studies  made  at  Memphis  and  New  York  City,  IQOO/- 
1911.) 

"Who  was  that  person  that  was  so  abused  some  time 
since  for  saying  that  in  the  conflict  of  two  races  our 
sympathies  naturally  go  with  the  higher?  No  matter 
who  he  was.  Now  look  at  what  is  going  on  in  India — 
a  white,  superior  'Caucasian'  race  against  a  dark- 
skinned,  inferior,  but  still  'Caucasian'  race — and  where 
are  English  and  American  sympathies?  We  can't  stop 
to  settle  all  the  doubtful  questions;  all  we  know  is  that 
the  brute  nature  is  sure  to  come  out  most  strongly  in 
the  lower  race,  and  it  is  the  general  law  that  the  human 
side  of  humanity  should  treat  the  brutal  side  as  it  does 
the  same  nature  in  the  inferior  animals — tame  it  or  crush 
it.  The  India  mail  brings  stories  of  women  and  children 
outraged  and  murdered;  the  royal  stronghold  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  baby-killers.  England  takes  down  the  Map 
of  the  World,  which  she  has  girdled  with  empire,  and 
makes  a  correction  thus:  Delhi.  Dele.  The  civilized 
world  says,  Amen." — "Autocrat  of  the  Breakfast  Table." 

Had  the  babes  murdered  at  Delhi  been  French,  our 
natural  sympathies  would  have  been  less  aroused;  had 
they  been  Chinese,  still  less;  had  they  been  American, 
much  more ;  had  they  been  Australian  blacks,  very  much 
less  than  in  the  case  of  Chinese.  We  sympathize  with 
the  higher  race  because  we  are  "higher"  and  sympathize 


3 H       Bate  SDrtftoDorp  in  tfte  Soutb 

with  our  like.  Our  abstract  ethical  sympathy  is  far  less 
intense  and  far  less  "natural"  than  our  sympathy  due  to 
responsiveness  to  our  very  special  kind.  We  do  not  on 
this  account  discount  the  worthiness  of  ethical  sentiment ; 
we  simply  note  the  patent  fact  that  all  our  higher  faiths 
and  feelings  root  themselves  in  natural  instincts  and 
tendencies ;  we  realize  the  truth  that  the  highest  morality 
is  more  or  less  factitious,  if  not  fictitious,  unless  rooted  in 
healthy  animal  and  human  sociality.  New  Testament 
morality  grows  out  of  the  ethical  norms  of  the  Old 
Testament,  even  as  the  relatively  high  morality  of  the 
prophets  grew  out  of  the  natural  ethnic  ethics  of  the 
"natural  man."  "First  the  natural  man  and  then  the 
spiritual  man."  To  reverse  this  order  is  to  invite  senti- 
mentalism  and  moral  decay  that  come  from  unnatural- 
ness  of  every  description.  And  this  principle  is  not  con 
fined  to  racial  sympathies.  It  is  likely  that  the  loss  of 
norMwl  sexual  sensitiveness  in  higher  types  of  human 
beings  provokes  disaster  to  civilized  life,  especially  when 
it  shows  itself  in  women,  who  are  probably  by  nature 
generally  far  more  passive  than  man  in  their  sexual 
feelings.  So,  too,  no  matter  how  high  a  race's  morality, 
a  loss  of  the  crude  animal  fondness  for  offspring  that 
makes  a  mother  a  very  panther  in  defense  of  her  children 
is  a  real  menace  to  civilization.  Natural  appetites  for 
simple  food  and  drink ;  natural  liking  f dr  play  and  vigor 
ous  uncomplicated  exercise;  natural  patriotism  that 
would  fight  for  fellows  be  they  right  or  wrong;  natural 
reverence  for  the  Mysterious  Higher  in  man  and  na 
ture  :  these  instincts  and  many  like  unto  them  are  essen 
tial  to  the  usefulness,  happiness  and  success  of  indi 
viduals  and  nations.  We  dare  not  kick  from  under  us 
the  steps  that  enable  us  to  ascend  the  steeps  of  enlight 
enment.  Mere  intellectualism  has  ever  meant,  will  ever 


Kate  Spmpatfcg  anD  antagonism     315 

mean,  decadence.  Even  that  most  recent  fetish  of 
American  thought,  " Efficiency,"  must  acknowledge  at 
last  that  there  is  an  efficiency  of  feeling  and  sentiment 
that  will  wreak  vengeance  on  all  who  subordinate  it  to 
merely  intellectual  and  volitional  "results."  Pragmatism 
is  false  to  the  core  unless  its  philosophy  of  results  takes 
into  account  the  emotional  balance  in  life. 

Dr.  W.  Cunningham,  in  his  recent  little  work  on 
"Christianity  and  Social  Questions,"  clearly  recognizes 
the  personal-social  aspect  of  all  morality.  Even  with 
regard  to  work  which  the  prophets  of  efficiency  are  in 
clined  to  depersonalize  to  the  utmost,  he  has  this  very 
old-fashioned  but  salutary  definition:  "Work  is  the  ac 
tive  effort  to  give  effect  to  the  will  of  God"  (p.  186). 
Realizing  the  essential  unpredictableness  of  the  feeling 
side  of  personality,  he  says  (p.  209)  :  "The  attempt  to 
interpret  the  ground  of  other  people's  actions  is  only 
likely  to  be  an  unconscious  revelation  of  dominant  mo 
tives  in  our  own  minds."  We  are  sometimes  astonished 
at  the  behavior  of  those  who  make  a  point  of  minimiz 
ing  the  personal  aspect  of  public  service,  and  yet  at 
the  same  time  do  not  hesitate  to  make  war  upon  the 
work  of  public  servants  because  of  acts  committed  by 
the  latter  which  would  be  inefficient  or  insincere  if  done 
by  the  critic  or  investigator,  but  which  may  be  fairly 
efficient  and  perfectly  moral  to  the  consciousness  of 
the  actors  themselves,  whose  temperaments  and  training 
may  be  very  different  from  the  critic's. 

"A  duty  changes  its  character  when  it  is  done  under 
state  compulsion,"  is  another  of  Cunningham's  thoughts 
that  deserves  close  attention  nowadays.  There  is  an  edu 
cative  loss,  as  he  well  says,  when  men  are  relieved  of 
responsibility  through  paying  taxes,  through  compulsory 
education  laws,  and  the  like.  Certainly  the  present  ten- 


316       mace  2Dttf)aDo*p  in  tfte  Soutft 

dency  is  to  compel  men  to  be  moral  through  law  or  sys 
tem  or  other  forms  of  ' 'control."  Machinery  is  good 
and  necessary,  but  it  is  a  doubtful  help  if  it  attempts  to 
take  the  place  of  personal  responsibility  or  to  depre 
ciate  the  ethical  value  of  unforced,  natural,  "affective" 
morality. 

Since  these  things  are  so,  it  will  be  well  for  us,  in 
discussing  the  sympathy  and  the  antagonism  shown  in 
the  contact  of  diverse  races  with  one  another,  to  inves 
tigate  the  real  character  values  of  the  primitive  impulses 
of  social  man.  Such  a  procedure  is  especially  necessary 
for  those  that  would  understand  the  attitude  of  South 
ern  whites  toward  negro  individuals  and  the  negro  race. 
Attention  has  often  been  called  to  the  claim  that  North 
erners  like  the  negro  race  but  dislike  the  negroes  indi 
vidually  considered,  whereas  Southerners  like  individual 
negroes  but  are  antagonistic  toward  the  race  as  such. 
When  we  consider  that  Northerners  like  the  negro  race 
in  the  South,  and  are  disposed  to  share  Southern  liking 
for  individual  negroes  that  "keep  their  place,"  the  dif 
ference  between  the  attitude  of  the  sections  amounts  to 
very  little.  Northerners  whose  early  Southern  experi 
ence  brings  them  into  contact  with  negro  irresponsible- 
ness  are  prone  to  dislike  negroes  individually  and  racially, 
for  they  have  not  been  brought  into  touch  with  the  more 
amiable  characteristics  of  the  negro  and  fail  to  realize 
that  efficiency  is  a  very  relative  term.  And  so  the  phe 
nomena  of  sympathy  are  very  complex  and  difficult  to 
understand.  Indeed,  some  of  us  have  seen  individuals  of 
the  white  race  portray  every  kind  and  degree  of  sym 
pathy  and  antagonism  toward  the  lower  race  within  the 
period  of  a  single  year.  Some  of  us  experience  in  our 
selves  all  shades  of  sympathetic  or  of  antagonistic  ten 
dencies,  in  accordance  with  changes  in  mood,  economic 


Race  Spmpatfcp  anD  antagonism     317 

contact,  change  of  surroundings,  and  the  like.  Unless 
we  analyze  the  various  kinds  of  sympathy  and  try  to 
ascertain  the  essential  meaning  of  the  sympathetic  im 
pulse  itself,  we  shall  find  ourselves  in  a  psychological 
tangle  that  will  tend  to  trip  us  up  continually  in  our  at 
tempts  to  generalize. 


THE  KINDS   OF   SYMPATHY 

i.  Ethical  Sympathy.  We  sympathize  with  the  op 
pressed,  with  those  that  are  making  a  brave  fight  against 
great  odds,  with  those  who  are  contending  for  a  prin 
ciple.  This  sympathy  has  been  felt  for  people  like  the 
Japanese,  the  Armenians,  the  Cubans,  the  Poles,  the 
Finns,  the  Balkan  allies.  It  is  evidently  based  on  im 
aginative  construction  that  is  ordinarily  rather  fragile. 
I  have  known  men  to  change  in  their  sympathies  from 
the  Japanese  side  to  the  Russian  after  forming  the 
acquaintance  of  one  Russian  gentleman.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  Calif ornians  shared  the  sympathy  felt  for  the 
Japanese  by  the  rest  of  the  country.  Not  a  few  South 
erners  grew  lukewarm  in  their  sympathy  for  the  "op 
pressed  Cubans"  as  soon  as  they  were  told  that  the  in 
surgents  were  for  the  most  part  negroes.  I  have  noted 
that  a  whole  roomful  of  company  disclaimed  sympathy 
for  the  Boers  when  a  traveler  described  how  filthy  in 
their  habits  many  of  the  Boers  were.  Northerners  very 
often  become  antagonistic  toward  the  idea  of  "poor, 
down-trodden  negroes"  when  these  same  Northerners 
really  know  the  happy-go-lucky  blacks  in  the  South. 

Underlying  this  form  of  sympathy  is  evidently  a  kind 
of  imaginative  expressiveness.  Most  of  us  have  ro 
mantic  and  generous  sentiments  on  tap.  The  tales  of 


3i s       Kace  fPrtboDosp  in  tbe  Soutft 

other  people's  sufferings  or  heroism  stir  our  sympathy 
or  our  enthusiasm.  We  vaguely  picture  these  aliens  as 
like  unto  ourselves.  When  the  imaginary  bond  of  kin 
ship  is  cut  away  we  are  apt  to  lose  the  verve  of  our 
interest  and  sympathy;  for  our  imaginative  expressive 
ness  seems  to  depend  on  our  native  responsiveness  to 
our  kind  for  any  really  permanent  tap-root.  John  Brown 
was  probably  insane,  but  certainly  consistent  in  his  sym 
pathy  for  the  negroes.  Perhaps  extremes  of  incon 
sistency  and  of  consistency  are  alike  pathological! 
Brown  kissed  a  negro  child,  and  that  kiss  indicated  that 
his  ethical  attitude,  such  as  it  was,  and  distorted  as  it 
seems  to  some  of  us,  was  based  upon  vital  responsive 
ness,  real  sympathy,  though  associated  with  lack  of  sym 
pathy  for  his  own  people. 

I  do  not  deny  that  men  may  experience  highly  intel- 
lectualized  forms  of  ethical  sympathy;  but  with  the  loss 
or  the  pathological  exaggeration  of  the  feeling  element 
goes  much  of  the  instinctive  and  effective  naturalness  of 
the  sentiment.  And  when  a  sentiment  has  become  simply 
a  mildly  modulated  principle,  men  cease  to  die  for  it  or 
live  for  it.  Hence  one  pays  little  attention  to  the  ethical 
sympathy  begotten  of  reading  and  palace  car  touring. 
In  order  to  be  really  ethical,  a  sentiment  must  have  the 
ingredients  of  the  ethical  impulse.  One  of  these,  one  of 
the  most  important,  is  natural,  spontaneous  responsive 
ness,  which  at  bottom  is  diffused  consciousness  of  kin 
ship,  and  is  due  to  psychological  and  biological  likeness. 
Some  reader  will  naturally  ask  the  question,  "Is  there 
no  truth  in  the  story  of  the  Good  Samaritan  ?J>  Very 
much,  I  reply.  Many  a  modern  good  Samaritan  would 
take  care  of  a  wounded  dog,  which,  after  all,  is  an  ani 
mal  with  sensitive  nerves  such  as  we  have.  "Who  is  my 
neighbor?"  is  a  question  answered  in  very  catholic  fash- 


Race  &pmpatbp  anD  antagonism     319 

ion  by  the  Buddhist.  The  humanity  of  the  Samaritan  is 
not  hard  to  understand :  the  real  puzzle  is  the  inhuman 
conduct  of  the  priest  and  the  Levite!  I  believe  that 
Jesus  was  trying  to  call  attention  to  the  childlike  native 
responsiveness  to  distress  shown  by  the  Samaritan  as 
contrasted  with  the  inhuman  ceremonialism  of  the  priest 
and  the  Levite.  If  a  Samaritan  can  be  kind  to  a  Jew, 
how  much  more  should  a  Jew  show  loving  kindness  to 
his  own  people. 

However,  most  so-called  ethical  sympathy  is  not  based 
on  immediate  appeal  to  childlike  instincts,  but  is,  as  we 
have  suggested  above,  a  product  of  imagination  and  re 
flection.  You  remember  the  story  of  the  negro  tramping 
through  the  Northern  states  and  how  he  was  informed 
of  his  right  to  "equality,"  but  got  neither  food  nor  prac 
tical  sympathy.  The  story  goes  on  to  say  that  on  one 
occasion  the  negro  rang  a  front  door  bell  and  was  ac 
costed  by  the  master  of  the  house  with  this  vigorous 
command :  "You  black  rascal,  why  don't  you  go  round 
to  the  kitchen  door  and  get  your  dinner!"  Well,  this 
would  not  ordinarily  be  regarded  as  a  case  of  "ethical 
sympathy,"  but  I  doubt  not  that  the  negro  was  sincere 
when  he  replied,  with  his  hat  in  his  hand,  "Thank  God ! 
I  done  f oun'  a  Southern  gentleman !"  We  may  eliminate 
the  implied  invidious  comparison  without  losing  the  les 
son  of  the  story.  The  Southern  gentleman  made  no 
pretense  of  being  ethical:  he  was  simply  a  good,  in 
stinctive,  childlike,  natural,  human  animal! 

The  white  light  of  conscience  is  a  blend  of  ethical  colors, 
in  which  the  many  delicate  moral  tints  all  come  from  a 
few  primary  instincts.  Let  us  take  heed  that  we  dog 
matically  lay  no  claim  to  ethicality  that  does  not  ground 
itself  in  childlike  instinctiveness.  There  is  much  truth 
in  the  Socratic  statement:  "No  man  does  wrong  will- 


320       Race  SDrtfjoDorp  in  tfte 

ingly."  We  sometimes  sin  against  truth  and  humanity 
in  our  supposed  sympathy  with  "oppressed"  people,  in 
that  we  fail  to  sympathize  with  our  own  kind  whom  we 
ignorantly  brand  as  "oppressors."  Ethical  humanitarian- 
ism  is  to  be  found  among  all  enlightened  and  not  a  few 
unenlightened  people.  It  is  always  well  to  play  fair, 
to  hear  the  other  side — and  eminently  well  to  heed  Dr. 
Holmes'  sympathy  with  the  man  who  "naturally"  sided 
with  the  higher  race,  other  things  being  equal  or  doubt 
ful  or  unknown ! 

2.  Racial  and  National  Sympathy.  This  form  is  evi 
dently  based  on  responsiveness  of  like  to  like.  Make  an 
American  of  English  descent  realise  that  the  English  are 
his  nearest  of  kin  among  foreigners,  and  it  will  be  very 
difficult  to  have  him  take  sides  with  the  Russians  or  the 
French  as  against  the  English.  He  may  be  alienated  by 
the  abrupt  or  haughty  conduct  of  a  given  Englishman; 
but  get  him  to  discount  this  and  appreciate  his  kinship 
to  the  mass  of  Englishmen,  and  you  have  his  pro- Eng 
lish  sympathies  well  in  hand.  Hence  I  should  like  to 
insist  on  the  coming  inevitableness  of  the  Northern 
white  man's  sympathy  for  his  white  brother  of  the  South, 
without  regard  to  the  metaphysical  ethicality  of  the 
Southern  white  man's  cause.  The  Northerner  may  not 
understand  the  Southerner's  apparent  disregard  of  the 
negro's  rights,  but  solaces  himself  with  the  thought,  "Did 
I  live  South  I  guess  I  would  act  as  the  Southerners  do." 
And  indeed  he  would!  Should  this  sympathy  for  the 
Southern  whites  make  the  Northerner  oblivious  to  the 
black  man's  welfare?  By  no  means,  no  more  than  it 
should  so  affect  the  Southern  white  man.  Let  the  North 
erner  say  to  himself,  "If  my  Southern  brother  is  so  situ 
ated  as  to  be  compelled  to  choose  between  two  evils;  if 
he  has  to  act  in  an  ethically  distorted  way  because  of 


Race  *&pmpati)p  anfi  antagonism     321 

distorted  conditions  amid  which  he  finds  himself  through 
no  fault  of  his;  if  people  of  my  own  kind  are  forced  to 
act  as  if  they  disregarded  the  rights  of  man  and  the  first 
principles  of  democracy — then  we  should  all  work  to 
gether  so  to  remedy  conditions  as  to  help  the  black  man 
without  injuring  the  whites.  But  let  me  be  careful  about 
interfering,  or  let  me  avoid  gratuitous  advice  and  the 
assumption  of  superior  sanctity  on  our  part:  for  the 
Southerner  is  doubtless  doing  as  well  as  he  can  under 
the  circumstances,  and  is  quite  likely  to  be  as  good  a 
man  as  I  am."  How  much  more  of  a  "Union"  we 
should  have  if  Northerners  were  uniformly  responsive 
to  their  brethren  at  the  South!  How  much  happier  we 
should  all  be  did  we  realize  that  the  South  is  humani 
tarian  at  heart  and  that  her  apparent  disregard  of  human 
rights  is  a  subject  to  be  patiently  investigated,  sympa 
thetically  pondered  and  studied,  and  not  simply  inveighed 
against  or  made  the  recipient  of  unbrotherly  sarcasm.  It 
stirs  a  Southern  white  man's  indignation  to  the  depth  of 
his  heart  to  have  the  Northern  brother  "take  sides" 
against  his  own  race  and  nation,  without  a  knowledge 
of  the  facts,  and  therefore  without  appreciation  of  the 
distressing  complexity  and  difficulty  of  the  actual  situ 
ation. 

We  may  rest  assured  that,  if  we  love  not  our  brethren 
whom  we  ought  to  understand  because  of  likeness  and 
kinship,  we  stand  a  poor  chance  of  loving  intelligently 
an  alien  people  whom  we  know  practically  nothing  about 
and  who  cannot  be  socially  incorporated  into  the  national 
life.  We  shall  be  at  least  healthy  in  our  national  moral 
ity  if  we  are  careful  to  give  free  play  to  our  natural 
responsiveness  to  those  who  are  most  like  us.  Kinship 
loads  the  dice  of  sympathy.  The  world  would  be  worse 


322       Race  DrtfcoDotp  in  tbe 

did  it  not.     It  is  better  for  love  to  be  blind  than  to  be 
either  hypercritical  or  hypocritical. 

3.  Associational  Sympathy.    We  tend  to  sympathize 
with  those  that  we  "go  with."     Indeed,  we  are  apt  to 
become  assimilated  to  our  company  and  therefore  to 
sympathize  with  our  like.     It  is  evident  that  responsive 
ness  and  gregariousness  underlie  this  variety  of  sym 
pathy.     Husband  and  wife,  when  not  ill  mated,  tend  to 
acquire  the  same  tastes,  to  use  the  same  sets  of  concepts, 
to  adopt  the  same  mental  attitudes;  in  truth,  they  even 
tend  to  resemble  each  other  physically.    Children  attend 
ing  the  same  school,  members  of  the  same  church,  part 
ners  in  business,  persons  that  belong  to  the  same  social 
set;  all  these  and  other  like  social  groups  tend  to  acquire 
sympathy  for  one  another.     They  respond  and  go  with 
one  another,  and  the  responsiveness  and  gregariousness 
in  turn  bring  about  greater  likeness.     In  such  cases,  sym 
pathy  gets  very  deep  roots. 

4.  Utilitarian  Sympathy.     We  say  that  we  sympa 
thize  with  those  that  will  help  us  or  who  are  useful  to 
us.     But  such  a  relationship,  while  adjuvant  to  sympathy 
and  furnishing  occasions  for  its  exercise,  is  not  really 
sympathetic.     Labor  union  men  may  think  that  they 
sympathize  with  the  Southern  viewpoint;  but  such  sym 
pathy  is  shallow  unless  it  has  beneath  it  some  degree  of 
native  responsiveness  and  consciousness  of  kinship.    One 
cannot  depend  on  sympathy  for  Southern  whites  at  the 
North  when  the  supposed  sentiment  is  due  simply  to  a 
desire  to  retain  the  status  quo  at  the  South  for  economic 
reasons.    However,  given  some  degree  of  responsiveness 
and  company  sense,  utilitarian  considerations  may  power 
fully  aid  in  the  development  of  sympathy. 


Race  Sympatftp  anD  antagonism     323 

THE  NATURE  OF  SYMPATHY  AND 
ANTAGONISM 

i.  Responsiveness  and  Unresponsiveness.  We  are 
ordinarily  drawn  to  our  like,  provided  there  is  sufficient 
variety  in  the  likeness;  on  the  other  hand,  we  are  re 
pelled  by  observation  of  unlikeness  in  others,  especially 
when  we  esteem  those  others  to  be  lower  than  ourselves. 
Antagonism  becomes  amused  contempt  when  the  lower 
race  is  seen  to  be  slavishly  copying  the  higher  and  when 
the  higher  race  believes  that  the  lower  prefers  the  higher 
to  its  own  race.  Responsiveness  and  antagonism  are 
always  more  profound  when  based  on  connate  likenesses 
or  differences,  respectively,  of  physical  appearance  and 
nervous  structure.  When  the  unlike  lower  race  seems  to 
"fit  in"  with  the  life  of  the  higher,  and  spontaneously 
and  sincerely  takes  up  a  station  avowedly  subordinate, 
then  the  consciousness  of  difference  sometimes  lends  a 
certain  charm  to  life  and  a  certain  dignity  and  kindly 
condescension  to  the  behavior  of  the  higher  race.  This 
point  is  well  illustrated  by  the  following  occurrence 
which  came  under  my  observation  in  New  York  City: 
Two  very  intelligent  young  men,  both  of  Northern  birth 
and  rearing,  were  chaffing  each  other.  A  said  to  B — 
"Whom  would  you  prefer  to  have  as  a  tentmate  during 
a  hunting  expedition  in  the  woods,  a  filthy,  low-grade 
white  immigrant  or  a  filthy,  low-grade  negro?"  B  re 
plied — "The  negro."  Then,  after  a  pause,  he  added — 
"But  I  should  prefer  a  dog  to  either  of  them."  The 
negro's  supposed  "humble"  subserviency  seemed  to  fit 
in  with  B's  comfortable  sense  of  dominion,  whereas  he 
would  have  felt  that  the  white  immigrant  was  implicitly 
demanding  some  sort  of  social  recognition,  or  ought  to 
do  so.  There  was  no  social  problem  at  all  with  regard 


324        Race  SDrtftoDorp  in  tfte  Soutf) 

to  the  dog!  B  could  respond  to  the  dog's  overtures  for 
friendly  contact,  because  there  was  no  implication  of 
equality  nor  of  competition.  Like  responds  to  like  of 
the  lowest  degree  of  likeness,  when  the  principle  of  the 
competitive  struggle  for  existence  and  the  survival  of  the 
fittest  does  not  come  into  operation.  Like  responds  to 
like  of  the  higher  grade  even  with  competition  and  pro 
fession  of  equality,  when  both  parties  acknowledge  real 
or  implicit  or  feasible  equality.  One  white  man  of  high 
grade  may  listen  with  equanimity  to  claims  of  equality 
from  another  white  man  of  low  grade,  because  he  realizes 
that  his  humbler  brother  is  biologically  and  psychologi 
cally  capable  of  becoming  his  social  brother,  or  that  the 
humbler  brother's  blood  has  in  it  the  promise  and  po 
tency  of  social  equality. 

Why  is  it  that  so  many  intelligent  people  insist  that 
educated  and  refined  specimens  of  the  negro  race  should 
have  accorded  them  a  kind  of  recognition  ordinarily  ac 
corded  to  white  men  of  the  same  degree  of  worth  and 
culture?  Do  they  fail  to  realize  that  social  recognition 
has  a  biological  basis?  Do  they  not  realize  that  even 
Jesus  the  idealist  first  ministered  to  His  own  people? 
Was  He  simply  jesting  when  He  spoke  of  the  heathen 
as  "dogs,"  to  whom  the  children's  bread  was  not  to  be 
given?  Did  he  not  accept  racial  distinctions  in  His 
social  life?  In  becoming  cosmopolitan  do  we  cease  to  be 
national?  Can  we  coerce  ourselves  into  reversing  the 
law  of  nature  and  grace  that  the  natural  man  precedes 
the  spiritual  man?  We  may  discount  our  native  respon 
siveness  and  inhibit  antagonistic  conduct  based  on  native 
antipathy ;  but  we  had  better  be  very  careful  not  to  inter 
fere  too  much  with  even  the  jots  and  tittles  of  the  laws 
of  nature.  They,  too,  must  all  be  fulfilled.  And  he  is 
least  in  the  kingdom  of  Heaven  that  neglects  and  he 


Race  §>gmpat!)?  anD  antagonism     325 

greatest  that  does  them !  Lincoln  was  true  to  nature  and 
true  to  his  own  sincere  conscience  when  he  asserted  vigor 
ously  that  he  was  not  as  responsive  to  negroes  as  to 
whites,  that  he  did  not  believe  in  anything  that  would 
lead  to  social  equality  between  the  races ;  that  he  would 
side  with  the  whites  did  he  have  to  choose  between  the 
races.  Whatever  our  attitude  toward  other  races,  it  be 
hooves  us  to  be  true  to  our  fundamental  instinct  of  re 
sponsiveness  and  not  attempt  to  substitute  unhealthy  sen 
timentality  of  self -consciousness  for  the  native  childlike- 
ness  of  unforced  sympathy  toward  our  next  of  kin.  The 
Southerner  insists  on  racial  solidarity,  and  guards  all 
approaches  toward  it;  for  he  instinctively  feels  that  sen 
suality  on  the  one  hand  and  sentimentalism  on  the  other 
are  ever  threatening  race  purity,  the  "conscience"  for 
which  is  primarily  based  on  habitual  responsiveness  of 
the  biologically  like  toward  one  another. 

2.  Gregariousness  vs.  Exclusiveness.  Responding  to 
our  like,  we  naturally  company  with  them.  Feeling  no 
coercive  responsiveness  to  those  racially  unlike  us,  equally 
as  naturally  we  do  not  "mix"  with  them  socially.  Inas 
much  as  social  mingling  is  intimately  associated  with  all 
forms  of  social  intercourse,  whether  economic,  political, 
religious  or  cultural,  our  gregariousness  tends  to  con 
fine  itself  to  those  whom  we  feel  that  we  or  ours  may 
actually  or  potentially  (through  descendants)  mingle 
with.  Our  exclusion  of  those  "not  of  the  kin"  is  not 
unfeeling  or  cruel.  Indeed,  when  exclusiveness  asserts 
itself  in  a  high-bred  gentleman  he  experiences  acute  pity 
for  individuals  from  whom  he  feels  that  he  must  cut 
himself  off.  He  allows  his  native  instinct  of  exclusive- 
ness  to  operate  freely  because  he  knows  that  it  is  best  in 
the  long  run  to  make  association  with  an  individual  of  a 
lower  race  a  matter  of  race  rather  than  a  matter  of 


326       Race  DctfjoDorp  in  tije 

individuality.  To  make  exceptions  would  be  to  mistrust 
nature  and  science.  The  Southern  gentleman  does  not 
wish  to  inflict  pain ;  but  he  does  wish  to  be  both  natural 
and  ethical;  and  his  ethicality,  in  this  instance,  must  be 
based  upon  higher  utilitarian  considerations  and  not  on 
sentimentality,  which  is  sentiment  cut  off  from  its  native 
roots  of  responsiveness  and  gregariousness  belonging  to 
a  certain  time  and  place.  One  asks,  however,  this  seem 
ingly  pertinent  question :  "Why  not  graft  on  the  natural 
stock  the  shoot  of  a  higher  humanitarianism  ?"  The 
answer  is :  "We  are  continually  doing  that,  but  only  on 
the  condition  that  the  stock  has  its  own  natural  roots!" 

3.  Expressiveness  vs.  Indifference.  A  tap-root  of  so 
cial  expressiveness  also  is  responsiveness.  We  love  to 
talk  with  our  like,  to  exchange  views,  on  the  basis  of 
real  or  possible  social  equality.  Unless  our  companions 
are  sufficiently  like  us  to  rouse  at  least  incipient  admira 
tion,  even  though  it  be  only  reflected  qualities  of  our 
own  that  arouse  our  appreciation,  our  expressiveness  be 
comes  condescending  or  uncomfortable.  Physical  dif 
ferences,  when  too  great,  are  very  likely  to  counteract 
any  native  tendency  toward  expressiveness.  The  South 
erner  likes  the  negro  "in  his  place,"  because  he  does  not 
feel  called  on  to  express  himself  to  a  quasi  equal,  and 
knows  that  the  negro,  however  superior  he  may  be,  ex 
pects  only  the  kindly  and  courteous  humanitarian  treat 
ment  extended  toward  the  worthy  of  his  race,  and  does 
not  expect  the  Southern  white  man  to  relax  his  assump 
tion  of  superior  status. 

Likeness,  then,  real  or  implied,  is  the  healthy  and 
natural  basis  for  social  sympathy  that  makes  for  the 
common  cooperative  life  of  democratic  citizenship.  It 
cannot  be  forced.  Lincoln  rightly  says  that  we  must 
take  into  account  a  universal  attitude  whether  it  be  right 


Race  ®gmpatj)g  anD  antagonism     327 

or  wrong.  Indeed,  the  question  is  not  one  of  senti 
mental  morality,  but  rather  one  of  adaptability,  feasi 
bility,  congruousness,  utilitarianism,  naturalness,  inevi- 
tableness.  External  forms  of  sociality  imply  to  the  sincere 
mind  certain  bases  of  responsiveness,  gregariousness  and 
expressiveness.  To  make  a  show  of  treating  a  man  as 
a  potential  equal  when  one  feels  that  he  isn't,  or  that 
he  ought  not  to  be  treated  differently  from  his  race, 
which  race  one  does  not  believe  ought  to  be  assimilated, 
is  to  invite  hypocrisy  in  the  higher  race  and  dangerous 
social  self-assertion  in  the  lower  race. 

If  an  inquirer  should  ask  whether  it  is  healthy  and 
right  for  two  diverse  peoples  to  live  on  the  same  soil 
without  becoming  assimilated  to  one  another  and  with 
out  the  promise  of  ultimate  equality,  I  should  unhesi 
tatingly  say,  No !  The  present  situation  at  the  South  is 
abnormal,  and  ought  not  to  be  continued.  Men  ought 
to  be  so  situated  that  no  one  asks  questions  regarding 
race.  But  given  present  conditions  at  the  South,  the 
Southerner's  social  attitude  toward  the  lower  race  is 
safe  and  sane,  because  wise  and  necessary  and  natural. 
Every  decent  Southerner  believes  in  the  rights  of  man 
and  wishes  it  were  possible  for  the  negro  to  get  all  the 
development  and  recognition  that  he  deserves  as  an  in 
dividual  or  as  a  race.  After  all,  however,  the  safety  of 
society  and  the  healthiness  of  its  social  life  are  of  more 
intrinsic  importance  than  the  feelings  of  certain  worthy 
negroes.  Our  social  actions  must  always  take  into  ac 
count  the  tendencies  toward  which  they  lead.  South 
erners  know  from  experience  that  it  is  unnatural,  forced 
and  meaningless  to  pretend  that  we  should  treat  an  in 
dividual  negro  as  if  we  knew  nothing  as  to  his  racial 
extraction.  We  also  know  that  the  average  low  negro 
regards  himself  as  potentially  at  least  the  equal  of  every 


328       Race  amfioDosp  in  tfte  Soutft 

cultured  negro  and  entitled  to  all  the  recognition  that 
any  "nigger"  gets.  White  antagonism  at  the  South,  ex 
cept  in  the  case  of  negro-haters,  whose  attitude  is  of  no 
importance  for  our  present  purposes,  is  not  toward  the 
negro  race  or  the  negro  individual,  but  rather  toward  the 
pretended  recognition  of  individuality  as  apart  from 
race,  and  toward  the  unnatural  and  dangerous  policy  that 
would  lead  the  mass  of  the  negroes  to  claim  any  sort  of 
equality  with  the  whites,  except  the  equal  right  to  life, 
liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  Even  these  natu 
ral  rights  are  only  relative.  If  the  higher  race  is  con 
vinced  that  its  right  to  happiness  is  endangered  by  grant 
ing  the  negro  the  right  to  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  we 
may  be  sure,  as  in  case  of  the  "right"  to  intermarry,  that 
the  white  man  will  interpret  negro  rights  differently  than 
in  the  case  of  the  same  rights  as  claimed  by  the  whites. 
If  a  thousand  white  aliens  wished  to  marry  a  thousand 
negroes  on  South  Carolina  soil,  the  South  Carolinians 
would  not  allow  it,  even  though  the  alien  whites  had  not 
become  naturalized  citizens.  The  Congress  of  the  United 
States  did  not  hesitate  to  interfere  with  the  Mormon 
elder's  right  to  the  pursuit  of  happiness  through  marry 
ing  several  wives.  The  Southern  white  regards  inter 
racial  marriages  as  inexpedient  and  immoral.  The  real 
question  to  be  asked  is  not,  How  to  get  the  Southern 
whites  to  treat  the  negroes  as  individuals  and  to  give 
all  the  negroes  their  constitutional  rights ;  but  rather  this, 
How  can  we  bring  about  a  salutary  change  that  will  give 
the  negro  what  he  needs  without  interfering  with  the 
progress  of  the  South  in  the  long  run,  and  without  at 
tempting  to  suppress  perfectly  natural,  inevitable  and,  on 
the  whole,  useful  reactions  of  the  Southern  whites  toward 
the  negroes?  The  failure  to  appreciate  the  meaning  of 
the  Southern  white's  attitude,  his  failure  to  explain  his 


Race  Spmpatftg  and  antagonism     329 

own  feelings  properly,  his  tendency  to  allow  people  to 
interpret  his  conduct  in  an  undemocratic  and  inhuman 
sense :  these  are  some  of  the  distressing  aspects  of  the 
problem  that  have  been  largely  overlooked  even  by  close 
students  of  the  subject.  Admitting  the  general  ration 
ality  of  the  account  thus  far  given,  what  shall  we  say 
of  Dr.  Holmes'  antithesis,  tame  or  crush? 

The  taming  process  is  what  the  average  Southern 
white  means  by  the  sensible  "educating  the  negro  for 
his  place."  To  tame  the  negro  is  to  make  him  give  up 
all  pretense  of  ever  claiming  to  be  the  white  man's  equal 
in  any  respect.  What  shall  we  say  to  such  a  proposition  ? 
Only  one  thing  can  be  said  by  true  Americans.  There  is 
no  "place"  in  this  country  for  a  peasant  class:  it  hurts 
the  lower  and  the  higher  race  alike,  and  particularly  the 
higher. 

What  remains  ?  A  struggle  and  the  ultimate  crushing 
of  the  negro  through  violence  or  through  the  slow  de 
cadence  of  a  race  that  has  lost  all  hope  and  self-respect? 
True  Americans  will  assuredly  demur  to  such  a  solution 
as  this.  We  do  believe  in  the  rights  of  man;  in  the 
preciousness  of  every  human  life;  in  the  essential  soli 
darity  of  the  human  race ;  in  the  fair  fight  and  the  square 
deal.  Let  Americans  generally  show  their  sympathy  for 
their  fellow  Americans  of  the  dominant  race  in  the  South 
by  helping  them  to  cast  off  in  some  way  a  fearful  incubus, 
and  not  waste  time,  treasure  and  force  in  attempting  to 
secure  for  the  negroes  supposed  rights  and  blessings  that 
the  Southern  whites  will  not  allow  the  negroes  to  have 
in  a  "white  man's  country."  Let  us  assume  that  the 
Southern  whites  know  something  of  democracy,  but  must 
act  in  the  interest  of  the  safety  and  moral  health  of  so 
ciety  in  order  that  American  principles  may  remain  alive 
long  enough  to  grow  and  fruit.  In  fine,  let  us  study  this 


330       Race  fl)rt&oDo*p  in  tfie  §>outft 

question  on  the  assumption  that  the  solution  must  be  such 
as  to  injure  the  dominant  race  in  no  serious  way,  and 
on  the  further  assumption  that  the  attitude  of  the  better 
Southern  whites  toward  the  negro  must  not  be  inter 
fered  with  unless  these  men  of  race  conscience  are  shown 
that  their  views  are  unnatural  and  wrong,  that  their 
fears  are  foolish,  that  the  negro  can  become  a  full-fledged 
citizen  without  danger  to  the  South,  and  so  on.  But, 
be  assured,  no  "snap  judgment"  of  the  doctrinaire  or  the 
politician  or  the  philanthropist  can  settle  these  questions 
offhand.  Patient,  organized,  long-continued  research 
alone  will  bring  out  truth  that  will  command  the  atten 
tion  of  all  the  people,  North  and  South. 

If  our  popular  psychological  account  is  right  in  hold 
ing  that  Southern  white  attitude  toward  the  negroes 
cannot  be  naturally  and  fully  consistent  with  higher  eth 
ical  insight  as  long  as  the  races  are  occupants  of  a  com 
mon  soil,  because  natural  amalgamation  is  execrable  and 
colonization  is  impracticable,  what  shall  we  do?  We 
should  at  least  make  sure  that  colonization  is  imprac 
ticable,  or  that  there  is  no  other  solution  possible,  before 
we  acquiesce  in  present  conditions  of  unhealthy  moral 
strain  and  retarded  progress. 


F.     Freedom  Through  the  Truth. 

THE  EXPERIENCE  OF  A  STUDENT  OF  THE 

NEGRO  PROBLEM :  THE  NEED  OF  A 

NEW  FREEDOM 

(Suggested  by  various  discussions  held  at  conferences  with 
leading  Mississippi  schoolmen  in  the  summer  of  1913.) 

I.     THE  STUDENT'S  EXPERIENCE 

Born  within  sight  of  Southern  rice  fields,  educated 
wholly  in  his  native  state,  inheriting  from  his  English 
blood  respect  for  facts  and  reverence  for  tradition,  and 
from  his  French  blood  quickness  and  versatility  of  sym 
pathy  and  intuition,  the  Student  began  as  a  boy  of  nine 
to  puzzle  over  the  Southern  interracial  situation.  The 
"academy"  where  he  took  his  high  school  course  had 
been  founded  by  aristocratic  indigo  planters  in  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  state  university  where 
he  worked  up  from  sophomore  to  professor  was  a  center 
of  purest  Southernism.  Yet  the  Student's  education 
knew  nothing  of  sectional  bitterness.  His  father,  a  Con 
federate  veteran,  used  to  speak  of  secession  as  a  right 
eous  mistake,  of  state  rights  as  a  geographical  incident 
and  yet  an  eternal  principle,  of  slavery  as  an  economic 
and  ethical  blunder  that  under  Providence  retarded  the 
development  of  the  South  in  order  that  she  might  become 
the  instrument  of  ultimate  spiritual  conservation  of  the 
Union. 

Brought  up  during  reconstruction  times,  our  Student, 
as  a  "red-shirt  boy,"  took  part  in  two  political  processions 

331 


332       Race  2Drt&oDo*p  in  t&e  8>outb 

in  honor  of  Wade  Hampton.  He  remembers  hearing  his 
father  say  on  election  day  of  1876:  "I  have  told  John 
(the  mulatto  butler)  that  he  must  vote  for  Hampton  if 
he  wishes  to  keep  his  place ;"  and  he  will  never  forget  his 
father's  look  of  sadness  and  discomfort  as  this  remark 
was  made.  The  Student  understood  his  father's  feelings 
later,  when  he  himself  was  obliged,  on  occasion,  to  chas 
tise  "impudent"  negroes  that  disputed  the  sidewalk  with 
him  or  made  insulting  remarks  about  the  white  people. 
But  he  used  to  wonder  vaguely  why  white  Republicans 
were  regarded  as  "scalawags"  without  much  hope  of 
redemption  in  this  world  or  the  next,  and  why  "demo 
cratic  negroes"  were  always  in  danger  of  being  "beaten- 
up"  by  the  rest  of  the  negroes. 

In  his  county,  during  the  eighties,  whites  and  negroes 
used  to  "divide  up"  the  county  offices.  The  negroes  got 
the  unimportant  offices,  like  that  of  school  commissioner ! 
And  the  Student  has  been  able  to  watch  the  gradual 
elimination  of  the  negro  from  politics;  the  loss  of  sym 
pathy  between  the  races;  the  hardening  of  the  hearts  of 
the  Southern  whites  as  certain  atrocious  crimes  began  to 
show  themselves  among  the  negroes;  the  rise  of  the 
"common  people"  of  the  South,  coincident  with  the  fall 
of  the  negro ;  the  growing  sense  of  white  solidarity  along 
with  the  formation  of  political  factions  in  each  Southern 
state ;  transient  breakings  away  from  "the  Democracy," 
and  subsequent  return  to  the  two-partitioned  Democratic 
fold  with  its  guarantee  of  political  independence  through 
the  white  primary,  etc.,  etc. 

The  Student  can  never  forget  the  political  rendering 
of  a  popular  religious  ditty :  "Hold  the  fort  for  Hamp 
ton's  coming !"  And  yet  he  lived  to  see  that  same  Hamp 
ton  turned  out  of  the  United  States  Senate  by  a  new 
political  "savior" — this  time  of  the  "common  (white) 


Cfte  JSeeD  of  a  Ji3eto  jfteeOom      333 

people."  White  supremacy  had  become  strong  enough 
to  dare  to  divide ;  but  so  completely  coherent  had  become 
the  racial  orthodoxy  of  the  South  that  not  even  the  bitter 
factional  fights  among  the  whites  were  able  permanently 
to  divide  the  Democratic  party.  In  the  midst  of  all  these 
movements  one  thing  has  remained  constant:  the  pas 
sionate  dogma  of  white  supremacy. 

I  need  not  go  into  details  of  the  Student's  personal 
history.  His  six  years'  sojourn  on  the  Pacific  Coast 
allowed  him  to  look  at  another  set  of  interracial  rela 
tions.  He  was  also  able  to  see  what  the  negro  problem 
meant  in  the  great  cities  of  the  North. 

From  the  beginning  of  his  graduate  university  work 
our  Student  had  concentrated  his  interest  and  attention 
on  the  psychology  of  character,  and  especially  the  psy 
chology  of  public  opinion  and  social  movements.  Hence 
it  is  not  surprising  that  his  special  studies  and  his  con 
tact  with  racial  problems  on  both  sides  of  the  continent 
should  conspire  with  a  conscience  somewhat  sensitive  to 
Christian-democratic  principles  to  awaken  in  him  a 
whole-souled  desire  to  do  what  he  could  to  throw  light 
on  a  problem  that  was  a  constant  challenge  to  men  of 
good  will  everywhere,  and  which  was  evidently  inter 
fering  with  the  free  development  of  his  beloved  South. 
Perhaps  the  Student  was  stupid  in  thinking  that  cool 
science  and  ethical  fervor  could  work  together  success 
fully  in  one  human  heart ! 

When  the  Student  was  offered  an  important  post  in  a 
Southern  state  university,  under  conditions  that  showed 
a  spontaneous  and  heartily  sympathetic  demand  for  his 
services  on  the  part  of  the  teachers  of  the  state,  he  thought 
that  a  "call"  had  come  to  him.  And  his  resolution  to 
heed  the  summons  was  rendered  firmer  by  the  advice  of 
an  American  psychologist  and  educator  of  international 


334       Race  DrtftoDosp  in  tfte  ©outft 

standing.  As  soon  as  he  had  settled  in  his  new  place  he 
began  the  systematic  study  of  the  negro  question,  and 
especially  an  investigation  of  the  psychology  of  so-called 
race  prejudice.  He  organized  a  graduate  seminar  for 
the  study  of  the  negro  question,  collected  data  from  all 
quarters,  read  widely,  and  soon  had  the  satisfaction  of 
seeing  one  of  his  students  devote  himself  to  the  same 
study  and  publish  his  doctor's  thesis  on  negro  traits 
under  the  auspices  of  two  of  America's  greatest  univer 
sities. 

One  morning,  immediately  upon  his  return  from  mis 
sionary  educational  work  in  his  adopted  state,  after  a 
twenty-mile  trip  over  a  wretched  road,  he  was  almost 
overwhelmed  with  surprise  and  indignation  to  find  that 
the  board  of  trustees  of  the  university,  by  a  bare  ma 
jority  vote  of  little  more  than  a  quorum  of  the  board, 
had  turned  his  department  out  of  the  university.  The 
state  teachers'  association,  by  a  unanimous  standing  vote, 
and  the  entire  student  body  of  the  university,  through  a 
practically  unanimous  petition,  requested  the  board  to 
restore  the  department  to  the  university.  Soon  tele 
grams,  letters,  interviews  and  so  on  so  focused  public 
opinion  that  the  board,  four  weeks  after  dropping  the 
department  of  education  from  the  university,  by  a  unani 
mous  vote,  with  an  almost  full  board,  reinstated  the  de 
partment.  The  ostensible  meaning  of  the  board's  first 
action  was  the  desire  for  "economy";  but  people  gen 
erally  thought  that  the  board's  elimination  of  the  depart 
ment  was  an  attempt  to  get  rid  of  a  student  of  the  negro 
problem  who  insisted  on  holding  fast  to  democratic 
Christian  principles  as  applicable  to  all  men.  Now,  our 
Student  had  always  been  entirely  "orthodox"  in  his  racial 
stand  as  to  "social"  and  "political"  equality.  He  had 
always  stood  up  for  "white  supremacy."  He  had  always 


of  a  i9eto  jfreeDom      335 

insisted  that  the  Southern  people  were  behaving  as  ethi 
cally  under  the  circumstances  as  any  other  people  would 
have  done.  He  had  blamed  the  situation  rather  than  his 
people.  He  had  insisted  on  holding  open  no  illusory 
"doors  of  hope"  to  the  negro.  But  he  had  nevertheless 
maintained,  although  feeling  and  professing  great  sym 
pathy  even  for  extremist  views,  that  the  Southern  people 
should  not  be  complacently  satisfied  with  holding  another 
people  in  spiritual  subjection  for  all  time.  Hence  he  had 
advocated  careful  systematic  investigation  of  the  prob 
lem,  in  order  that  the  Southern  people  and  the  nation 
should  be  able  to  look  the  situation  squarely  in  the  face 
and  take  appropriate  action.  Personally  he  could  see  no 
solution  of  the  problem  except  ultimate  colonization  of 
the  negro  by  means  of  a  carefully  prepared  plan  that 
would  not  disrupt  economic  conditions  and  would  play 
fair  with  the  negroes. 

Not  a  single  member  of  the  university  board  had  ade 
quate  first-hand  knowledge  of  the  Student's  views  and 
work;  if  certain  ones  had  wished  to  punish  the  Student 
they  had  acted  "on  suspicion."  True,  there  was  need  of 
economy  at  the  university ;  nor  would  one  have  the  right 
to  say  that  some  of  the  "economists"  did  primarily  act 
on  account  of  the  student's  supposed  views  on  the  negro 
question;  but  it  is  an  assured  fact  that  some  of  them 
avowed  their  feelings  of  suspicion  toward  the  Student, 
and  were  willing  to  restore  him  to  his  place  only  because 
his  recall  was  demanded  by  the  teachers  of  the  state,  the 
students  of  the  university,  and  the  public  opinion  that 
was  powerfully  influenced  by  the  united  teachers  and 
students. 

The  Student,  believing  that  the  people  of  his  state  had 
endorsed  his  work,  continued  his  study  of  the  negro 
question,  and  continued  to  express  his  views  modestly 


336       ftace  2Dttj)oDojp  in  tfte  §>outt) 

and  frankly.  Although  he  had  opportunities  to  go 
North,  he  decided  to  remain  South  and  continue  the  work 
that  was  so  close  to  his  conscience.  During  several  years 
ensuing  he  could  at  times  see  some  of  his  friends  become 
cold  and  suspicious ;  he  was  bitterly  arraigned  by  a  promi 
nent  newspaper;  his  friends'  timidity  "prevented"  re 
ports  of  some  of  his  negro  question  speeches  from  being 
reported  in  the  newspapers  lest  such  reports  might  "in 
jure"  him;  the  university  authorities  confessed  that  his 
race  question  work  was  embarrassing  to  the  university. 
But  time  will  do  its  perfect  work.  Very  gradually,  first 
the  leading  schoolmen  of  the  state  and  then  the  people 
generally  came  to  see  that  our  student  was  the  kind  of 
"friend"  that  the  South  needed,  because  his  "defense" 
of  the  South  was  not  special  pleading,  and  was  free  from 
fire-eating,  braggadocio,  arrogance,  side-stepping,  in 
volved  sophistry,  appeals  to  the  gallery,  and  the  like. 
Some  of  the  leading  "extremists"  (including  the  pictur 
esque  and  magnetic  Vardaman)  offered  to  help  the  Stu 
dent  with  his  work  when  he  afterward  corresponded  with 
some  of  them  from  New  York  City. 

The  Student  has  had  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune. 
An  accumulation  of  shocks  and  crises  endangered  his 
nervous  stability  during  several  years.  Although  several 
prominent  and  influential  men  attempted  to  get  him  the 
opportunity  to  concentrate  his  attention  on  the  problem 
he  had  at  heart,  but  had  failed  in  their  efforts ;  although 
he  found  apathy  or  opposition  to  the  study  of  the  ques 
tion — both  North  and  South;  although  he  still  suf 
fers  at  times  from  the  old  canard  that  had  originally 
operated  against  him;  although  he  has  seen  even  men 
of  limited  intelligence  and  rather  mediocre  consecration 
preferred  before  him  and  gain  recognition  for  minor 
services  in  behalf  of  the  South:  nevertheless,  his  faith 


Cfte  Jl3eeD  of  a  H3eto  JfmDom      337 

in  his  people's  fairness  and  justice  and  loving  kindness 
and  open-mindedness — yea,  faith  even  in  the  most  nar 
row-minded  and  ignorant  of  them — has  grown  year  by 
year.  At  heart  these  Southern  people  are  tolerant  and 
charitable,  frank  and  sincere. 

Without  a  talent  for  attracting  financial  support  for 
his  own  investigational  efforts, — in  the  face  of  a  preju 
dice  toward  the  study  of  race-prejudice, — in  spite  of  the 
dangerous  optimism  that  wants  to  "wait"  and  let  things 
drift, — the  Student  dares  to  hope  that  the  South  her 
self,  poor  as  she  is,  and  suffering  from  anxiety  and  un 
rest  with  regard  to  the  race  problem,  will  help  the  Stu 
dent  and  his  friends  to  organize  the  investigation  of  this 
imminent  question.  Even  now  the  educational  leaders 
of  the  state  are  arranging  to  utilize  over  half  of  the  Stu 
dent's  time  next  year,  making  him  a  sort  of  university 
extension  professor-at-large  for  the  state.  And  he  has 
already  been  able  to  start  a  little  fund  that  may  prove  to 
be  the  nucleus  of  an  opportunity  for  a  Southern  study  of 
Southern  problems. 

If  the  Student  were  asked  whether  he  thought  that  the 
investigation  of  the  negro  problem  should  be  merely  a 
Southern  venture,  he  would  reply  most  decidedly  in  the 
negative.  Southern  sensitiveness,  which  has  a  real  rea 
son  for  being,  looks  askance  toward  studies  of  this  prob 
lem  that  are  not  vouched  for  by  their  own  trusted  lead 
ers;  but  to  accuse  the  South  of  obscurantism  and  bour- 
bonism  that  she  could  dispense  with  is  unfair  and  unkind. 
Indeed,  the  Student  has  yet  to  find  a  single  man  in  the 
South,  even  among  professional  politicians,  that  did  not 
sooner  or  later  respond  to  his  appeal  in  behalf  of  the 
dignity  of  the  human  soul.  Some  extremists  pretend  at 
times  that  the  immeasurable  worth  of  a  negro's  soul  is 
an  idea  not  to  be  taken  seriously;  but  even  these,  espe 
cially  when  they  can  be  got  to  take  their  alleged  Christian 


338       mace  2Drti)oDo*p  in  tfte  ©owl) 

principles  seriously,  are  compelled  to  admit  that  the  negro 
is  a  true  man  and  has  the  rights  that  a  real  man  has, 
even  though  under  present  circumstances,  and  probably 
as  long  as  the  races  are  together  in  the  same  territory, 
the  negroes  must  remain  completely  subordinated  in  the 
interests  of  public  peace  and  the  proper  pride  of  race. 

Thus  the  Student  is  more  than  hopeful  that  his  South 
ern  compatriots  will  welcome  and  support  all  well- 
directed  efforts  to  solve  the  race  problem,  and  in  his  own 
person  has  been  able  to  prove  that  free  speech  as  well 
as  independent  thought  is  possible  at  the  South.  So 
vitally  necessary  is  the  preservation  of  racial  orthodoxy 
in  the  South  that  racial  heretics — and  all  those  who  insist 
that  negroes  must  be  treated  as  individuals  rather  than 
members  of  a  race  are  racial  heretics — should  not  expect 
to  enjoy  their  life  in  the  South.  Does  this  mean  that 
Southerners  do  not  believe  in  the  individual  worth  of 
the  human  soul?  I  have  just  insisted  that  they  assuredly 
have  such  a  belief.  But  they  regard  their  racial  treat 
ment  of  negroes  as  racial  representatives  rather  than  as 
free  men  simply  as  the  less  of  two  evils.  They  are  per 
fectly  willing  that  negro  individuals  should  be  fully 
recognized  in  accordance  with  their  character — some 
where  else  than  on  our  American  territory.  And  they 
rejoice  that  the  Christian  negro  can  sustain  his  spirits  by 
believing  that  God  sees  his  real  worth  and  is  no  respecter 
of  persons.  For  they  know,  nevertheless,  that  the  divine 
care  for  each  human  soul  does  not  conflict  with  the 
equally  divine  course  of  human  history  with  its  Chosen 
People  lording  it  over  the  lesser  tribes  without  the  law. 


Cfte  H3eeD  of  a  J3eto  jfieeDom       339 


II.     THE  NEED  OF  A  NEW  FREEDOM 

Since  our  Southern  people  are  normal  Americans,  and 
perhaps  the  truest  American  stock,  conserving  much  that 
the  country  needs,  can  we  say  at  the  South,  "It  is  well 
with  our  souls"?  No!  The  South  is  not  free.  Our 
Student  fights  for  his  freedom. 

I  need  say  little  with  regard  to  negro  un freedom.  Bad 
as  it  is  that  these  "freedmen"  (not  freemen)  should 
be  deprived  of  political  rights;  bad  as  it  is  that  they 
should  have  to  bear  the  stigma  of  imputed  inferiority 
just  because  of  the  accident  of  race;  bad  as  it  is  that  they 
can  have  no  rational  hope  of  complete  citizenship  in  the 
United  States  of  America  unless  public  opinion  under 
goes  a  change  of  which  I  am  able  to  see  no  "primitive 
streak" ;  far  worse  is  it  that  the  white  people  of  the  South 
are  not  free  to  develop  fully. 

After  all,  much  of  our  sympathy  for  the  negro  is 
wasted.  The  average  "darkey"  is  perfectly  content  with 
being  an  inferior  and  with  recognizing  the  overlordship 
of  the  whites  if  people  will  let  him  alone  and  give  him 
a  fair  share  of  protection  against  the  sharks  among  the 
whites.  The  small  percentage  of  high-grade  negroes 
and  mulattoes  that  really  care  for  full  spiritual  freedom, 
which,  of  course,  includes  all  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
can  leave  the  country  if  they  want  to,  and  few  will  cry 
about  it.  Southerners  will  admire  their  pluck,  wish  them 
well,  and  help  them  generously.  The  masses  of  the  ne 
groes  could  probably  be  educated  to  make  a  tolerably 
good  peasantry.  If  the  mulattoes  would  emigrate  or 
breed  back  into  the  ranks  of  the  negroes,  the  unthinking, 
careless,  happy-go-lucky  average  negro  would  get  along 
with  the  whites  first  rate,  provided  some  machinery  be 
found  to  supervise  them  carefully  in  the  interests  of  law 


340       Race  S>tti)oDo*p  in 

and  order,  and  protect  them  in  their  reasonable  rights  as 
an  inferior  race  living  under  tutelage. 

If  vast  masses  of  white  people  in  Europe  have  lived 
for  centuries  the  life  of  a  contented  peasantry;  if  the 
forces  of  nature  operate  in  their  usual  ways  and  ulti 
mately  bring  down  the  rate  of  negro  population  so  that 
the  "problem"  becomes  easier  as  the  years  go  by;  then 
there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  weep  over  the  situa 
tion.  For  the  upper  tenth  of  the  negroes  can  go  where 
they  may  obtain  true  freedom,  and  the  nine-tenths  do 
not  need  it  and  do  not  know  what  to  do  with  it.  True 
it  is  that  all  good  men  would  prefer  to  have  all  the 
American  negroes  lifted  up  and  fully  developed.  But 
even  if  nine  million  negroes,  plus  some  more  millions  of 
the  future,  should  fail  to  rise,  there  will  be  left  enough 
negroes  on  earth  to  make  a  good  experiment  in  African 
eugenics.  The  excellent  racial  traits  attributed  to  negro 
blood  by  some  of  the  friends  of  the  child  races  still  have 
a  fair  chance  in  Africa,  and  perhaps  elsewhere,  if  the 
friends  of  humanity  will  be  a  little  foresighted  with  re 
gard  to  them  and  prevent  certain  aspects  of  white  civiliza 
tion  from  ruining  them.  In  other  words,  the  unfreedom 
of  the  negroes,  though  tragic  enough  when  viewed  in 
the  light  of  the  higher  ethics,  does  not  necessarily  mean 
the  failure  of  the  negro  race  as  such. 

On  the  other  hand,  how  is  it  with  the  white  man? 
Many  whites  seem  to  be  fully  satisfied  with  negro  peas 
ant  labor,  in  spite  of  evidence  that  white  labor  is  superior, 
and  that  it  is  the  glory  of  free  America  that  her  generous 
life  brings  out  the  real  man  in  the  European  peasant,  thus 
proving  the  superiority  of  a  peasantless  regime.  Some 
go  so  far  as  to  satisfy  themselves  with  the  thought  that 
the  South  need  not,  with  negro  labor,  remain  hopelessly 
behind  the  rest  of  the  country,  but  will  lag — well,  just 


Cfte  J!9eeD  of  a  Jf3eto  jfreenom      341 

moderately !  Does  the  believer  in  negro  labor,  however, 
pretend  that  the  South  would  not  be  better  off  economi 
cally  if  negroes  were  ultimately  displaced  by  a  higher  peo 
ple?  Does  anyone  suppose  that  the  present  economic  life 
of  a  Yazoo-Mississippi  Delta  is  going  to  be  the  typical 
industrial  life  of  the  South?  And  is  the  South  to  trust 
her  hopes  of  a  high  economic  development  to  the  absurd 
declaration,  long  ago  worn  out,  that  "Cotton  is  king"? 
Even  the  boll- weevil  has  done  its  little  best  to  teach  the 
South  some  sense  in  this  regard!  With  white  labor  in 
the  cotton  mills,  in  spite  of  its  greater  expensiveness  and 
assertiveness,  how  can  it  be  said  that  the  South  of  the 
future  can  hope  for  good  things  from  negro  labor? 
Science  and  practical  sanitation  and  hygiene,  along  with 
everyday  experience,  have  destroyed  utterly  the  old  no 
tion  that  the  "white  man  can't  stand  the  hot  sun."  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  he  is  standing  it,  and  frequently  much 
better  than  the  negro  does.  Tropical  medicine  has  taught 
us  that  there  is  great  hope  of  a  future  of  the  white  race 
even  in  the  tropics — and  the  South  is  by  no  means  a 
part  of  the  tropics. 

Every  keen  observer  knows  that  agricultural,  domestic 
and  other  forms  of  efficiency  are  vitiated  by  the  ways  and 
work  of  the  negro.  So  much  is  this  the  case  that  in  one 
Southern  town — and  there  are  many  like  it — white  ladies 
no  longer  speak  apologetically  because  of  having  to  do 
their  own  domestic  drudgery.  The  educated  negro  do 
mestics  and  other  laborers  "go  North,"  or  set  up  for 
themselves — white  farms  and  homes  get  little  benefit 
from  them.  Surely  one  must  expect  that  trained  negroes 
will  not  submit  to  the  double  yoke  of  "labor"  and 
"race"  if  they  can  find  some  way  of  escaping  the  one  or 
the  other.  And  the  presence  of  white  student  waiters 
at  a  number  of  Southern  colleges  indicates  that  the  whites 


342        Race  SDrt&oDosp  in  tfte  Soutft 

are  beginning  to  shake  off  the  shackles  of  dependence 
on  irresponsible  labor  and  getting  rid  of  absurd  lack  of 
respect  for  "menial"  work  in  itself.  Nevertheless  the 
coming  industrial  independence  of  the  white  man  is  very 
slow  in  developing.  In  some  localities,  because  of  the 
difficulties  of  keeping  white  immigrants  down  South  in 
the  midst  of  a  negro  population,  there  may  be  relapse 
toward  dependence  on  the  negro.  The  very  existence 
of  a  lazy,  shiftless,  incompetent,  irresponsible  mass  of 
laborers  that  require  the  closest  supervision  all  the  time 
necessarily  lowers  the  economic  energy  and  standards 
of  the  white  people.  Many  a  white  man  excuses  his  easy, 
sauntering  way  of  transacting  business  by  speaking  of 
the  ridiculous  rush  and  hurry-scurry  of  the  North.  But 
much  of  our  Southern  lassitude  is  caught  from  the  ways 
of  the  negro  rather  than  the  wiles  of  the  hookworm.  I 
speak  somewhat  dogmatically ;  but  I  think  that  investiga 
tion  will  show  that  the  regions  of  the  South  with  sparse 
negro  populations  are  as  a  rule  more  energetic  than  are 
those  with  a  much  larger  percentage  of  negroes,  other 
things  being  equal.  At  any  rate,  when  a  man  says  to  him 
self,  "One  cannot  expect  a  negro  servant  to  do  more 
than  one-third  of  what  is  easily  done  by  a  Chinese,"  he 
will  find  himself  using  a  standard  of  efficiency  below  his 
best.  In  a  thousand  ways  negro  economic  inefficiency 
retards  the  development  of  the  South.  And  this  constant 
doing  of  less  than  our  best,  this  easy-going  lack  of  re 
gard  for  time,  this  willingness  to  put  up  with  inefficient 
service  and  to  overlook  small  pilferings  because  one  "ex 
pects  that  from  a  negro" — what  is  all  this  but  an  insidious 
form  of  psychological  economic  un freedom? 

We  are  no  better  off  in  politics — rather  worse.  The 
existence  of  a  "Solid  South"  is  a  form  of  political  slav 
ery  for  the  South  itself.  Southerners  say — and  rightly 


Cfte  Been  of  a  Beta  jfreeDom      343 

— We  dare  not  divide.  But  when  supposedly  free  men 
say  that  they  dare  not  act  politically  as  they  want  to; 
when  they  suffer  even  socially  if  they  do  not  vote  the 
Democratic  ticket ;  when  they  are  driven  to  vote  for  men 
rather  than  measures ;  when  discussion  of  national  issues 
on  the  stump  often  sounds  like  a  solemn  and  tedious 
joke;  when  political  thinking  has  nothing  to  stimulate  it, 
because  Southerners  must  think  alike  on  the  main  issues 
— what  have  we  but  political  unfreedom?  Last  fall  I 
heard  dozens  of  men  say  that  they  would  like  to  have  an 
opportunity  to  vote  for  Roosevelt,  but  that  it  "wouldn't 
do" ;  some  of  us  who  had  no  yearning  desire  to  vote  for 
the  Colonel  felt  nevertheless  a  perverse  sensation  of  pro 
test  because  we  were  "expected  to"  vote  for  Wilson  or 
not  at  all.  While  Wilson  was  our  choice,  we  did  not 
want  to  be  obliged  to  vote  for  him.  Is  such  a  feeling 
unreasonable  ? 

Naturally,  Southerners  are  independent  in  politics. 
Like  other  people  who  live  in  warm  climates,  they  would 
ordinarily  tend  to  split  into  small  groups  rather  than  to 
vote  in  solid  ranks.  But  who  would  suppose  that  South 
erners  had  any  sense  of  political  independence?  Shall 
Southern  children  be  brought  up  to  believe  that  inde 
pendence  in  voting  is  disloyalty,  if  not  treason?  Such 
is  the  lesson  of  things  as  they  are.  Why  should  I  have 
to  teach  my  children  that  at  the  South  the  terms  white, 
Democratic,  gentleman  and  Christian  meant  pretty  nearly 
the  same  thing  in  popular  parlance?  Remember,  I  am 
not  railing  at  the  South.  I  share  all  the  limitations  of 
her  citizens  in  my  own  conduct.  I  blame  a  wretchedly 
anomalous  situation,  and  not  our  sane,  broadly  demo 
cratic  and  Christian  people. 

Even  in  religion  does  the  black  blight  of  unfreedom 
appear.  To  say  nothing  about  the  existence  of  denomi- 


344       Race  2)tt!)oDorp  in  tfte 

nations  with  "South"  or  "Southern"  tacked  onto  them, 
and  the  straying  apart  of  religionists  that  should  be 
growing  together  in  the  general  trend  toward  Christian 
unity,  how  absurd  it  is  that  even  those  whites  who  wish 
to  help  the  negroes  in  their  religious  life  are  likely  to 
do  more  harm  than  good  in  their  efforts.  Who  can 
blame  a  negro  for  not  desiring  the  help  of  a  people  who 
allow  so  much  "arrogant  indifference  toward  the  feel 
ings,  to  say  nothing  of  the  rights,  of  human  beings"? 
Let  a  preacher  in  a  Southern  pulpit  begin  to  plead  for 
the  negroes,  and  he  at  once  endangers  his  popularity  if 
not  his  support.  Preachers  do  thus  plead,  on  occasion, 
and  are  generously  called  "courageous"  by  some  of  their 
friends.  Why  should  a  minister  of  the  church  be  "cour 
ageous"  when  he  reminds  his  parishoners  of  the  funda 
mental  principle  of  Christianity,  the  priceless  value  of 
every  human  soul?  And  yet  I  should  personally  advise 
nine  out  of  ten  clergymen  to  leave  this  negro  question 
severely  alone.  If  he  wants  to  correct  injustice  or  arro 
gance  or  cruelty,  let  him  work  with  the  individual.  Yet 
I  know  that  I  am  advising  a  man  to  act  slavishly — in  the 
interest  of  peace  and  because  he  cannot  hope  to  do  good 
by  his  exhortations  unless  he  has  remarkable  tact  or 
wonderful  powers  of  mind  and  heart.  If  a  special  stu 
dent  of  the  negro  question  must  submit  to  being  called 
"brave"  because  he  gently  insinuates  that,  according  to 
Christianity,  negroes  have  immortal  souls  and  that  Christ 
died  for  those  souls,  although  he  has  prefaced  his  re 
marks  with  a  stiff  statement  of  his  adhesion  to  "South 
ern"  principles,  is  it  surprising  that  the  people  should 
want  their  ministers  to  keep  clear  of  a  subject  which 
they  ordinarily  have  not  studied?  On  the  other  hand, 
I  have  heard  esteemed  and  godly  ministers  make  heart 
less  remarks  about  negroes,  remarks  so  cruelly  harsh  and 


Cfte  iQeeD  oJ  a  iQeto  jfteeDom      345 

unsympathetic  that  they  aroused  my  indignation  that 
alleged  ambassadors  of  the  Most  High  should  speak  so 
slightingly  of  any  of  God's  children. 

It  is  needless  to  insist  that  healthy  theological  thinking 
is  difficult  in  a  land  which  finds  itself  compelled  to  use 
thought  fashions  of  a  bygone  age.  In  my  judgment,  the 
theological  conservatism  of  the  South  has  been  in  many 
respects  a  good  thing  for  the  country,  and  has  acted  as  a 
sort  of  national  religious  balance  wheel ;  but  it  is  humili 
ating  to  listen  to  much  of  the  childish  ignorance  and 
rabid  narrowness  that  one  still  hears  in  the  South  after 
it  has  long  departed  from  other  parts  of  the  country. 
When  men  must  use  certain  thought  molds  in  politics, 
and  must  fear  the  effects  of  disturbing  a  bristling  racial 
orthodoxy,  it  is  natural  that  they  should  not  be  free  in 
religion.  The  amount  of  underground  "heresy"  in  the 
South  is  remarkable.  I  find  it  in  numbers  of  young 
collegians  especially,  even  in  those  coming  from  denomi 
national  institutions.  These  young  folk  have  got  into 
the  habit  of  weighing  the  social  and  political  results  of 
differing  from  the  common  opinion:  the  result  is  that 
they  suppress  doubts  that  ought  to  be  aired  and  sunned. 
I  speak  not  as  a  so-called  "liberal"  Christian,  but  as  one 
to  whom  the  Nicene  Creed  is  still  the  best  expression  of 
the  highest  Christian  theology,  making  due  allowance 
for  historical  differences  in  modes  of  speech.  Again  I 
am  not  blaming  the  Southerners — my  people — but  an  un 
toward  situation. 

Shall  I  go  on?  What  is  the  use?  We  need  a  new 
freedom  in  the  South.  We  need  freedom  to  vote  as  we 
please  without  accusation  of  disloyalty.  We  need  free 
dom  to  work  as  we  please,  even  though  our  work  be 
"nigger's"  work,  without  being  in  danger  of  losing  caste; 
we  need  to  discuss  religion  and  churches  as  we  please, 


346        Race  SDrtftoDoo?  in  tfte 

even  to  the  extent  of  expressing  our  preference  for 
"Northern"  rather  than  "Southern"  Presbyterian,  Bap 
tist  or  Methodist  forms  of  belief  or  worship  or  govern 
ment.  We  even  need  freedom  to  use  our  own  enlight 
ened  judgment  as  to  how  we  treat  our  racial  inferiors 
without  being  accused  of  preaching  or  practicing  "social 
equality."  We  need  freedom  to  teach  the  truth  without 
fear  or  favor  in  our  universities,  without  having  our 
official  heads  endangered  because  some  people  are  dis 
pleased  with  a  second-hand  account  of  our  belief  in  the 
value  of  American  principles  and  the  reality  of  the 
Christian  faith  in  its  application  to  all  men. 

Now,  for  myself  I  can  say  that  I  do  not  value  very 
highly  the  subjective  subtleties  of  German  higher  criti 
cism;  that  I  am  a  Democrat  in  politics  from  reasoned 
preference;  that  I  prefer  running  no  risk  of  displeasing 
white  extremists  in  racial  matters  just  in  order  to  make 
a  few  superior  negroes  feel  the  dignity  of  their  souls 
a  little  more  acutely;  that  I  conform  to  our  Southern 
traditions  and  manners  because  I  like  many  of  them  and 
believe  that  most  of  them  are  the  best  for  the  present 
situation.  But  I  for  one  want  freedom — relief  from 
the  "situation"  itself.  The  Southern  people  are  good 
enough  for  me.  The  situation  is  atrocious  in  that  it 
prevents  the  Southern  people  from  developing  freely  as 
they  would  like  to  and  deserve  to. 

But  the  worst  has  not  been  told.  The  veriest  slavery 
of  the  spirit  is  to  be  found  in  the  deep-seated  anxiety 
of  the  South.  Southerners  are  afraid  for  the  safety  of 
their  wives  and  daughters  and  sisters;  Southern  parents 
are  afraid  for  the  purity  of  their  boys;  Southern  publi 
cists  are  afraid  that  a  time  will  come  when  large  numbers 
of  negroes  will  try  to  vote,  and  thus  precipitate  race 
war.  Southern  religionists  are  afraid  that  our  youth 


C6e  iQeeD  of  a  H2eto  jfteeDom      347 

will  grow  up  to  despise  large  numbers  of  their  fellow- 
men.  Southern  business  men  are  afraid  that  agitation 
of  the  negro  question  will  interfere  with  business  or 
demoralize  the  labor  market.  Southern  officials  are 
afraid  of  race  riots,  lynchings,  savage  atrocities  paying 
not  only  for  negro  fiendishness  but  also  for  the  anxiety 
caused  by  fear  of  what  might  be. 

Then,  too,  there  is  the  whole  wretched  brood  of  hates. 
The  humble  white  hates  his  negro  competitor.  The 
white  woman  hates  a  race  that  is  a  constant  temptation 
to  the  lustful  passions  of  white  men.  The  uneducated 
white  hates  the  negro  "upstart"  that  struts  around  with 
an  "education"  not  vouchsafed  to  the  white  man's  chil 
dren.  And  so  on. 

Yes,  we  Southerners  need  a  freedom  from  suspicion, 
fear,  anxiety,  doubt,  unrest,  hate,  contempt,  disgust,  and 
all  the  rest  of  the  race- feeling-begotten  brood  of  viperous 
emotions.  If  I  speak  strongly  it  is  not  because  of  either 
lack  of  self-control  or  because  of  fondness  for  rhetoric. 
To  me  Christianity  and  democracy  are  eternal  realities. 
Liberty,  equality  and  fraternity  are  still  of  the  substance 
of  my  aspirations.  I  want  my  own  people  to  have  the 
chance  to  show  the  world  their  really  splendid  qualities 
of  head  and  hand  and  heart.  At  present  they  are  so 
often  tempted  above  that  they  are  able,  and  God's  grace 
seems  hardly  sufficient  for  them ! 

This  is  the  lesson  of  our  student's  history  and  this  the 
lesson  of  the  papers  collected  in  this  book:  Since  our 
democracy  and  our  Christianity  are  fettered  in  their 
exercise  on  account  of  an  abnormal  and  unnatural  situa 
tion,  we  of  the  South,  at  least  those  of  us  who  see  the 
situation  clearly  and  see  it  whole,  are  asking  the  help 
of  science,  of  study,  research,  investigation — call  it  what 


348        Race  SDttboDorp  in  tfte 

you  will.  We  have  not  solved  and  are  not  solving  our 
problem.  Whoever  you  are  that  love  mankind  and 
your  fellow  citizens  of  the  South,  come  over  and  help 
us,  not  with  bayonets  turned  in  our  favor  rather  than 
against  us;  not  merely  with  your  money  to  educate  the 
head  and  hand  without  helping  the  situation  that  ener 
vates  the  heart! — but  come  with  the  agencies  of  truth, 
with  that  scientific  method  which  is  transforming  the 
earth;  with  the  scientific  temper  that  keeps  the  brain 
clear  of  clouds;  with  scientific  facts  that  no  one  can 
honestly  doubt.  And  when  you  come  or  send  let  your 
coming  or  your  sending  be  in  the  spirit  of  brotherly  sym 
pathy  toward  your  fellow  Americans.  Do  not  treat 
Southerners  as  foreigners  or  as  curious  psychological 
specimens. 

We  Americans  need  freedom  from  corporation  domi 
nance;  we  need  freedom  from  the  professional  politics 
that  binds  all  grafters  together  in  a  "party"  without  a 
name ;  we  need  freedom  from  unsettled  and  cumbersome 
financial  systems  or  lack  of  systems!  And  so  on.  But 
let  us  never  forget  that  the  greatest  slavery  is  that  of 
fear  of  the  future  and  fear  of  the  fullest  and  freest  dis 
cussion  of  all  questions  whatsoever.  The  worst  slavery 
is  spiritual  unfreedom. 

Give  this  naturally  open-hearted,  genial,  loving,  gener 
ous,  free-spirited  South  of  ours  freedom  to  be  her  own 
true  self.  Thus  should  the  South  call  on  generous  men 
of  this  country  and  elsewhere.  But  we  can,  perhaps, 
best  have  our  plea  listened  to  if  we  begin  the  effort  of 
unraveling  our  own  difficulties  for  ourselves.  True,  the 
Pacific  Coast  begins  to  understand  us ;  and  the  Northern 
cities  are  catching  a  glimpse  of  a  race  problem  at  their 
doors.  And  we  should  gladly  welcome  all  honest,  sym- 


Cfte  H3eeU  of  a  JBeto  jFreeDom      349 

pathetic  help  that  comes  to  us.  Let  us,  however,  begin 
the  work  of  understanding  our  own  situation  for  our 
selves;  and  we  may  be  sure  that  we  shall  not  lack  the 
cooperation  of  our  fellow  Americans  and  of  the  civilized 
world  in  general. 


APPENDIX 

I.    ANCIENT  ROME  AND  THE  SOUTHERN  RACE 
PROBLEM:    AN  HISTORICAL  PARALLEL 


(Prepared  for  graduate  seminar  in  the  University   of  Missis 
sippi.) 


Coulanges*  "The  Ancient 

City." 

Social  state  controls  ideas. 
From  Ethnic  religion 
came  law  and  institu 
tions,  pp.  ii  and  12. 

The  past  never  completely 
dies  for  man.  Much  time 
needed  even  to  modify  be 
lief,  13. 

Hearth-fire  and  Divine 
Dead,  30,  32,  351.  Do 
mestic  religion  of  blood- 
kin,  42.  Religion  propa 
gated  only  by  generation, 
45.  Marriage  the  most 
sacred  institution,  53,  55, 
62. 

Religion,  family,  property, 
72,  89,  105.  Ancestors — 
family — posterity. 


Southern  States,    U.  S.  A. 

All  "equalities"  ultimately 
based  on  social  equality, 
actual  or  potential.  South 
ern  "religion"  is  race  soli 
darity  and  prestige. 

Idealized  past  ever  present 
to  the  South.  The  over- 
throw  of  "Reconstruc 
tion"  strengthened  faith 
in  past. 

Southern  home  and  South 
ern  heroes.  States' 
Rights,  patriarchal  so 
ciety,  faith  of  fathers. 
"This  is  a  White  man's 
Country."  Sanctity  of 
home.  Rural  life. 

"This  is  a  White  Man's 
Country."  South  is  solid. 
Declines  to  break  with 
past. 


350 


ancient  Home  anB  tfte  Soutfi       351 


Family  did  not  receive  its 
laws  from  the  city,  in. 

The  alien  cannot  receive  the 
cult,  124. 

Piety  the  all  inclusive  virtue, 
125,  I29b. 

The  gens  is  an  enlarged  fam 
ily,  etc.,  136,  I4of.,  144. 

Taking  nourishment  pre 
pared  on  an  altar  brings 
about  indissoluble  bond 
between  co-partakers,  157. 

We  cannot  modify  belief  at 
will.  It  tells  us  to  obey 
and  we  obey,  174. 

Religion  regulates  every  act 
of  life,  209,  22of. 


Religion  binds  all  things  to 
gether,  222-231. 

He  who  has  no  family  wor 
ship  can  have  no  national 
worship,  247. 

Law  born  of  religion,  not  of 
justice.  Different  re 
ligion,  different  law,  24. 


If  a  citizen  renounced  his 
religion,  he  renounced  his 
rights  before  the  law,  24. 
Special  tribunal  for  alien, 


Essence  of  Southern 
"States'  Rights." 

"You  weren't  born  and 
raised  in  the  South." 

All  inclusive  race-conscious 
ness. 

"We,  the  people  of  the 
United  States,"  means  en 
larged  "home  folks." 

A  home-meal  is  racially 
sacramental  and  typical  of 
all  equalities.  Other  meals 
so  by  association. 

Belief  in  race  is  coercive 
because  fundamentally 
vital. 

Race  feeling  pervades  all 
life.  The  "Solid  South" 
is  religious  dogma.  Our 
fathers  not  theirs,  our 
government  not  theirs. 
Nationality  ultimate- 
ly  based  on  kinship. 


Only  citizens  equal  before 
the  law.  Others  may  be 
protected  by  the  law,  es 
pecially  when  patrons 
stand  sponsor  for  them. 

Rights  —  including  free 
speech — only  for  the  ad 
herents  of  Southern  or 
thodoxy.  Heretics  dan- 


352        Race  SDrtftoDoip  in  tfte 


257-261.  Tomb  of  slave 
sacred;  not  so  tomb  of 
foreigners.  Beyond  local 
bounds  other  gods 
reigned,  2581!. 


Action  right  whenever  use 
ful  to  country,  263-5. 

Religion  founded  and  gov 
erned  society  and  gave 
man  his  character,  281, 

283f. 

Religion  not  due  to  political 
machinations  of  the  aris 
tocracy,  who  were  them 
selves  embarrassed  by 
their  religion,  283  f. 

The  orator  began  his  speech 
with  invocations  to  the 
gods  and  heroes,  290. 

On  questions  touching  re 
ligion  a  man  must  take 
sides  or  be  exiled.  Toler 
ance  unpatriotic,  293,  295. 

A  man  had  no  chance  to 
change  his  beliefs,  296. 


Ancient    Religion    is    State 
plus  Church,  299. 

Lower   classes  counted   for 
nothing,  300. 

Clients  have  no  religion  be- 


gerous  to  society.  Ku 
Klux,  Lynch  Law,  etc. 
Affection  for  "old-time" 
negroes.  Hatred  for 
Northern  doctrinaire  phil 
anthropists.  "Mason  and 
Dixon's  Line." 

"Preservation  of  our  insti 
tutions/'  ("White  Su 
premacy.") 

"Never  forget,  my  child, 
that  you  are  a  Southern 
er." 


For  "Religion"  read  "race- 
consciousn 
prejudice/ 


consciousness,"      "race- 


"Lee,  Jackson,  Davis,"  et  al., 
put  orator  en  rapport  with 
audience. 

Side  with  your  color,  or  else 
you  are  endangering 
"white  supremacy." 

"Go  with  us  or  from  us." 
"There  is  only  one 
party."  "White  Suprem 
acy." 

Bishop  Polk  as  general  and 
General  Capers  as  Bishop 
are  types. 

"Only  a  nigger."  (All 
classes  of  whites  drawing 
together.) 

Whites    have    little    respect 


ancient  mome  anD  tfte  Sow!)       353 


cause  not  of  the  kin,  303-  for  negro's  "imitations"  of 

305.  whites. 

Laws  in  behalf  of  plebeians  Treatment      of     the      I5th 

not  respected,  because  not  Amendment, 
religious,  not  of  the  kin, 


Touch  of  plebeians  was 
contaminating,  3i2f. 

Without  patrons,  no  justice 
for  clients;  no  recourse 
against  patricians,  345. 

Plebeians  held  back  by  a 
habit  of  respect.  No  lead 
ers,  361. 

Plebeians  gained  religion  of 
their  own  and  self-re 
spect.  Equality  followed, 
367f. 


Man  of  noble  family  mar 
ries  with  plebeians. 

"Marriage  confounds  the 
races,"  370. 

Thought  of  the  plebeians 
just  before  they  brought 
the  patricians  to  terms: 
"Where  we  find  liberty 
there  our  country  is. 
Rome  to  us  is  nothing." 

389. 
Plebeian  and  Patrician  had 

apparently  nothing  in 
common.  Could  not  live 
together;  could  not  live 


Touch  of  "free  nigger,"  es 
pecially  contaminating. 

So  to  a  great  extent  in 
Southern  trials.  Negro 
must  be  vouched  for  by 
patron. 

So  negroes  in  the  South. 
This  has  warded  off  ca 
tastrophe. 

South  inclined  to  ridicule 
negro  pride  of  race  and 
assumption  of  s  e  1  f-r  e- 
spect.  "Keep  your  place, 
and  don't  put  on  airs.  Be 
humble."  Otherwise 
equality  creeps  in  . 

Senator  Tillman  avers  that 
this  will  occur  if  anti- 
amalgamation  laws  are  re 
pealed. 

Some  few  of  the  negroes  so 
express  themselves.  Oth 
ers,  who  feel  thus,  keep 
their  feelings  to  them 
selves. 


Is  this  what  some  astute 
friends  of  the  negro  hope 
for  ?  Ultimate  amalgama 
tion? 


354       Race  ffl>rtftoDo*?  in  tbe  ftoutfi 

apart.      Made    a    treaty, 


Patricians  were  half-con 
quered  when  their  prerog 
atives  as  a  class  ceased 
to  be  a  matter  of  faith. 
Equality  and  union  fol 
lowed.  Law  made  by  all 
was  applied  to  all,  400- 

403- 

Plebeians  said:  "Withdraw 
your  law  against  inter 
marriage.  You  are  free 
to  choose  whom  you  will." 
The  law  was  withdrawn. 
Intermarriage  follows. — 

(i)  Discounting  of  caste. 
(2)  Repeal  of  law.  (3) 
Intermarriage,  404  if. 

As  soon  as  equality  was 
conquered  in  private  life, 
the  great  obstacle  was 
overcome,  and  political 
equality  naturally  fol 
lowed,  407,  409. 

New  social  state  caused 
change  in  law.  Social 
equality  naturally  associ 
ated  with  political  equal 
ity,  416,  418,  423. 

Suffrage  for  all  tends  to 
suppress  faith  in  the  sa 
cred  blood,  426,  429. 

After  the  hereditary  religion 
of  blood  had  been  de 
stroyed,  only  distinction 
of  wealth  remained,  431. 


Will  all  this  not  come  to 
pass  in  the  South  if  the 
"Caste  of  the  Kin"  and 
its  faith  are  undermined? 
The  "Color  Line"  is  a 
racial  Rubicon. 


Occasional  de  facto  inter- 
marriages  in  many  a 
Southern  community 
point  to  at  least  a  decided 
possibility  in  this  direc 
tion.  Grand  juries  and 
white-caps  show  a  ten 
dency  to  break  up  these 
de  facto  relationships. 

The  South  instinctively  feels 
that  one  form  of  equality 
implies  the  other,  no  mat 
ter  which  comes  first.  Po 
litical  equality  breeds  de 
sire  for  other  equalities. 

So  South  feels  that  political 
equality  incites  social 
equality. 


"Contract"  tends  to  destroy 
"status."  But  "no  man 

liveth  unto  himself,"  etc. 
So  loss  of  white  solidarity. 

Color  vs.  Money. 


ancient  Rome  anD  tfte 


355 


Aristocracy  of  wealth  hon 
ors  labor  and  intelligence 
and  destroys  religious  dis 
tinction  of  blood,  433. 

Public  interest  of  all  leads 
to  democracy  and  equal 
ity,  437- 


Booker  Washington's  advice 
to  the  negroes  is  most 
astute,  if  history  is  to  be 
trusted. 

Hence  the  South  will  not 
admit  the  negroes  as  citi 
zens  and  declines  to  grant 
interracial  democracy. 
Whites  very  democratic 
among  themselves. 

Because  of  the  lack  of  this 
principle,  "reconstruc 
tion"  failed. 

So  the  South  believes,  as 
suming  the  single  stand 
ard  of  race-valuation. 

Hence  to  free  the  individual 
is  to  superinduce  associa 
tion.  The  individual  can 
not  be  emancipated  apart 
from  the  race. 

Southerners  decline  to  have 
assimilation  of  the  negro 
race  and  hence  stand  res 
olutely  by  the  religion  of 
the  kin,  even  though  the 
finer  parts  of  morality 
may  have  to  suffer. 

[Comment  Appendix  3] 
COMMENT  ON  PARALLEL 

Coulanges'  "Ancient  City"  may  lay  undue  stress  on  the 
religion  of  the  "ancient  city."  But  most  competent  authori 
ties  agree  that  kinship  and  respect  for  ancestors  are  basic 
principles  in  early  civilization. 

Are  these  principles  outworn  creeds?     Has  "contract" 


Suffrage  must  come  organi 
cally  and  impose  obliga 
tion,  444,  449. 

Plato  says  laws  are  just  only 
when  they  conform  to 
human  nature,  478. 

Stoicism,  by  enlarging  hu 
man  association,  frees  the 
individual,  479. 


Conclusion — L  o  s  s  of  Re 
ligion  of  the  kin  changed 
all  things  and  brought  on 
assimilation. 


356        Kace  Drtijooosp  in  ttje 

taken  the  place  of  "status"?  Recent  writers  on  social, 
economic  and  political  subjects  seem  to  be  less  enamored 
of  Sir  Henry  Summer  Maine's  "Status  to  Contract"  theory 
than  were  writers  of  a  generation  ago.  The  contract  theory 
of  marriage,  for  instance,  has  not  produced  the  best  re 
sults.  And  it  is  significant  that  one  of  the  most  progressive 
of  the  Southern  states  of  to-day,  South  Carolina,  goes  so 
far  in  its  allegiance  to  the  static  idea  of  the  marriage  re 
lation  as  to  prohibit  remarriage  after  separation.  This 
same  state  has  no  law  requiring  marriage  licenses.*  The 
religious  ceremony  is  paramount.  And  yet  this  state  of  af 
fairs  produces  no  legal  tangles.  It  is  also  significant  that 
South  Carolina  is  said  to  have  a  larger  percentage  of 
church  members  than  any  other  state  in  the  Union. 

Is  South  Carolina  going  to  set  an  example  of  moral  seces 
sion  from  the  prevailing  mores  of  the  United  States  ?  Will 
she  show  to  the  world  that  there  is  precious  worth  in  the 
status  theory  of  the  caste  of  the  kin? 

These  questions  may  be  fanciful,  but  South  Carolina 
and  the  Southern  states  generally  are  well  worth  studying 
in  the  light  of  the  study  of  the  "Ancient  City." 

Evolution  may  yet  be  shown  to  be  conservative  of  the 
fundamental  attributes  of  the  past.  It  may  be  that  the 
principle  of  biological  kinship  must  be  steadfastly  adhered 
to  by  the  nations  (natus — born).  We  may  find  that  de 
mocracy  dare  not  reject  the  fundamental  principles  of  aris 
tocracy — kinship  is  the  basis  of  assimilation.  We  may  yet 
find  that  territorial  common  occupancy  does  not  constitute 
a  nation. 

Some  men  are  becoming  cynical  about  the  claims  of  "de 
mocracy."  The  present  writer  is  not  one  of  their  number. 
He  has  a  passionate  belief  in  the  rule  of  the  people.  But 
who  are  the  people?  Laws  and  institutions  and  constitu 
tions  do  not  make  a  nation.  'Tis  the  nation  that  makes 
these. 

*  Law  since  passed. 


ancient  Rome  anD  tftc  ^outft       357 

Caucasians  of  Teutonic-Celtic  descent  were  the  citizens 
who  made  the  laws  and  institutions  of  this  country.  The 
"people  of  the  United  States"  were  born  such  bodily  and 
psychically  and  have  subsequently  added  to  their  number 
others  who  could  be  biologically  assimilated.  The  doors 
are  shut  against  "Mongolians"  and  open  to  "persons  of 
African  descent."  Why  this  strange  discrimination? 
Would  it  have  occurred  had  there  not  been  negroes  by  the 
million  who  had  to  be  "called"  citizens? 

Now,  in  the  light  of  the  foregoing  study  and  comments, 
let  us  ask  ourselves  the  question:  Are  Christianity  and 
the  Moral  Law  and  Humanitarianism  to  be  regarded  as 
forces  working  in  a  psychological  vacuum?  Or  must  we 
admit  that  the  most  sacred  principles  are  conditioned  in 
their  application  by  time,  place  and  circumstance,  and  es 
pecially  by  the  Laws  of  Life?  Practical  men  believe  in 
Newton's  Laws  of  Motion,  but,  in  applying  them  to  the 
practical  affairs  of  life,  do  they  not  take  into  account  the 
resistance  of  the  air? 

At  this  time  of  the  world's  history  when  the  conscious 
ness  of  race  is  becoming  more  acute;  when  race-friction  is 
increasing  the  world  over;  when  men  of  science  are  dis 
covering  the  immense  sweep  of  the  principle  of  heredity; 
when  the  unity  and  solidarity  of  all  social  institutions  are 
becoming  more  and  more  evident — I  say,  at  such  a  time  as 
this,  is  the  South's  radicalism  as  to  race  a  phenomenon  en 
tirely  out  of  touch  with  modern  life? 


II.  NEGRO  TRAITS  AND  THE  NEGRO  PROBLEM 

(These  notes  embodied  suggestions  based  on  a  collection  of  data 
pertaining  to  negro  character.  The  facts  were  gathered  by  Doctor 
H.  W.  Odum,  who  was  at  the  time  doing  graduate  work  at  the  Uni 
versity  of  Mississippi  under  the  guidance  of  the  author.  The  most 
important  collection  by  Dr.  Odum  were  the  negro  songs.  In 
asmuch  as  Dr.  Odum's  subsequent  book  on  Mental  and  Social  Traits 
of  the  Southern  Negro  did  not  include  some  of  the  material  out 
lined  in  this  paper,  I  have  thought  that  the  suggestions  involved  in 
this  outline  might  prove  interesting,  especially  since  they  are  related 
to  other  papers  in  this  book,  as  well  as  to  portions  of  Doctor 
Odum's  book  where  reference  is  made  to  the  present  writer.) 


OUTLINE  OF  ARGUMENT  ON  THE  RACE  PROB 
LEM  IN  GENERAL: 

Negro  life  is  now,  and  will  be,  determined  by  the  negro's 
character  tendencies,  psychical  and  social;  by  his  environ 
ment  (including  all  the  forces  that  make  or  mar  civiliza 
tion),  and  by  that  special  correspondence  between  his  char 
acter  and  his  surroundings  involved  in  the  relations 
between  whites  and  blacks  and  their  attitudes  toward  one 
another. 

Hence  the  proper  interpretation  of  negro  life  depends 
upon  an  estimate  of  negro  character  as  it  is  under  present 
circumstances  and  as  it  tends  to  become  if  the  present 
forces  affecting  it  remain  essentially  unchanged.  But  the 
negro's  future  is  so  largely  in  the  hands  of  his  white 
neighbors  that  we  must  understand  the  significance  of  so- 

358 


Craft*  anD  tfte  iQegro  problem  359 

called  race-prejudice  in  order  to  forecast  the  scope  of  the 
negro's  development.  Having  grasped  the  meaning  of  the 
forces  at  work  in  and  on  the  negro,  it  is  proper  to  en 
quire  into  the  fitness  of  education  to  develop  him  within  the 
limits  set  by  the  whites  as  well  as  the  limits  set  by  the 
negro's  own  nature. 

It  thus  happens  that  we  must  not  only  ask  the  pregnant 
question:  What  is  to  become  of  the  negro?  but  also,  For 
what  kind  of  future  shall  we  educate  him? 

The  study  of  race-prejudice  will  show  that  the  whites, 
while  admitting  the  abstract  righteousness  of  the  various 
forms  of  equality — social,  economic,  political,  religious, 
legal — admitting  that  character  is  not  to  be  judged  by 
such  external  accidents  as  color,  in  practice  refuse  to  grant 
to  the  negro  an  actual  right  to  equality  of  treatment  based 
on  character.  We  shall  find  that  this  affirmation  of  the 
right  of  equality  carries  with  it  a  check  in  that  the  whites 
implicitly  and  instinctively  hold  that  all  forms  of  equality 
are  at  bottom  based  on  at  least  the  possibility  of  social  com 
munion,  and  that  social  communion  holds  out  the  possibil 
ity  of  intermarriage.  Now  intermarriage  between  the 
races  is  held  to  be  taboo,  and  hence  all  that  tends  toward  it 
is  likewise  under  the  ban.  Therefore  all  forms  of  social 
recognition  are  withheld  from  the  negro  and  in  proportion 
as  they  tend  to  connect  themselves  with  social  communion 
("social  equality").  Individual  negroes,  however  excel 
lent  in  character,  are  also  members  of  a  race  that  cannot 
share  the  community  life  of  the  whites,  and  hence,  though 
respected  for  their  character,  they  are  (<  outside  the  kin,"  and 
must  socially,  politically  and  in  other  modes  ultimately 
connected  with  social  communion  be  treated  as  negroes 
rather  than  as  excellent  characters.  There  seems  to  be 
much  historical  justification  for  this  implicit  theory  of  the 
dependence  of  all  forms  of  social  communion  on  the  implied 
right  of  intermarriage.  (Plebeians  and  Patricians,  Nor 
mans  and  Saxons,  etc.  Negatively :  Jews,  Gypsies,  Turks 
or  Greeks.) 


360       Race  a>rtf)oao*p  in  tfte 

Shall  we,  then,  counsel  the  negro  to  submit  to  his  fate 
as  an  "outcast,"  and  become  educated  to  nil  his  place  in  our 
civilization  as  a  subordinated  race?  Shall  we  educate  him 
for  a  maimed  citizenship?  Is  the  present  order,  which 
seems  to  be  the  only  feasible  one  just  now,  the  best  possible 
for  either  race  ultimately?  Such  a  situation  is  unameri- 
can  and  indefensible  before  the  bar  of  the  civilized  con 
science,  unless  we  are  sure  that  the  negro  is  incapable  of 
exercising  the  rights  of  developed  human  nature.  And 
even  if  the  negro  cannot  rise  by  his  own  efforts  to  any 
great  heights  of  civilization,  it  can  hardly  he  said  that  the 
presence  and  work  of  a  race  of  serfs  will  be  good  for  the 
economic  and  moral  development  of  the  higher  race. 

If  the  negro  is  to  develop  freely,  though  not  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  whites,  shall  he  have  a  civilisation  of  his  own, 
parallel  to  that  of  the  whites,  tho'  not  touching  it  at  any 
point?  This  is  the  present  tendency.  Such  an  outcome  is, 
of  course,  not  practicable  unless  the  negroes  are  segregated, 
perhaps  under  a  separate  state  government  with  full  rights 
of  citizenship.  Even  then  the  federal  relation  would  still 
remain  and  open  all  the  doors  to  the  evils  that  now  exist. 
Moreover,  the  cry  of  the  whites,  North  and  South,  would 
soon  be:  The  territory  is  ours.  This  is  a  white  man's 
country."  (Compare  attitude  toward  the  Indians.) 

What  remains?  Life  for  the  negro  under  his  own  na 
tional  government,  or  colonization  in  various  parts  of  the 
earth  where  he  can  secure  free  development,  or  emigration 
by  individuals  to  lands  where  they  will  be  welcome,  or  all 
of  these  movements  combined. 

The  question,  can  he  maintain  himself  apart  from  the 
white  race,  is  hardly  relevant.  He  has  done  so  in  Haiti  and 
Liberia  for  several  generations.  If  he  has  escaped  abso 
lute  failure  under  such  untoward  conditions  as  in  the  case 
of  the  above  unfortunate  experiments,  he  stands  a  far  bet 
ter  chance  of  success  if  future  experiments  are  scientifically 
carried  out  after  careful  and  long  continued  planning  and 


Crait*  and  tfce  Ji3egro  pro&lem  361 

education.  At  any  rate  we  cannot  do  more  than  our  best 
for  him  and  for  the  whites.  Nor  should  we  do  less. 

If  the  negro  is  to  remain  we  must  make  the  most  of 
him  for  the  sake  of  the  whites  if  not  for  the  sake  of  the 
colored  man  himself,  granting  him  such  political  privi 
leges  as  will  not  endanger  white  supremacy.  If  the 
negro  is  to  leave  this  country,  however  gradually,  his  edu 
cation  should  prepare  him  for  the  pioneer  Iffe  that  is  be 
fore  him.  The  older  negroes,  as  a  rule,  need  not  be  con 
sidered,  they  will  stay  where  they  are.  But  if  the  people 
of  this  country  once  decide  on  this  solution  of  the  prob 
lem,  the  younger  negroes  can  be  compulsorily  educated 
and  forced  to  "go  where  they  are  sent,"  though  it  will  be 
far  better  to  secure  their  free  consent  and  enthusiastic  co 
operation. 

The  vital  necessity  of  studying  negro  life  and  character 
now  becomes  apparent.  What  we  shall  do  with  him  de 
pends  upon  what  he  is,  what  he  may  be,  and  whether  he  is 
in  any  sense  assimilable  as  a  man  and  as  a  citizen.  If,  as 
urged  here,  all  forms  of  assimilation  depend  on  social  com 
munion,  and  that  in  turn  on  intermarriage,  and  if — as 
seems  certain — amalgamation  will  not  be  permitted ;  and  if, 
finally,  the  negro  cannot  remain  in  this  country  without 
endangering  his  own  and  the  white  man's  future,  then 
all  the  more  does  our  study  of  this  unfortunate  people  be 
come  our  bounden  duty,  for  we  cannot  help  them  establish 
himself  unless  we  know  his  capacities  and  potentialities. 
In  any  case  we  must  educate  him,  and  this  we  cannot  do 
without  understanding  his  nature. 

The  crux  of  the  question  is  "the  physical  presence  of  the 
negro."  Once  we  decide  that  his  presence  is  temporary, 
we  shall  all,  in  South  and  North,  work  together  not  only  to 
educate  the  black  man  for  his  destiny,  but  also  to  prepare 
the  South  gradually  for  a  monoracial  rather  than  a  bi- 
racial  civilization. 


362        Uace  ©rt&oDorp  in  tfte 


GENERAL  PLAN  OF  STUDIES 

I.  Negro  character  as  related  to  the  present  surroundings 
of  the   negro  and  as  influenced   by  the   attitude  of   the 
whites. 

II.  Race  Attitude  (Race-prejudice)  and  its  effects  on  the 
negro's  probable  future. 

III.  The  education  of  the  negro,  scholastic  and  institu 
tional,  as  dependent  on  a  knowledge  of  his  character,  actual 
and  potential. 

IV.  Comments  on  the  concrete  studies.    Suggestions  for 
further  study. 

I.  Traits,  etc.,  as  shown  in  negro  songs  (mostly  secular). 

Considered  psychologically  and  sociologically  (processes 
and  tendencies).  Traits  depend  on  psychical  processes. 
Data  on  Songs  gives  psychological  material  as  well  as  so 
ciological.  Superficial  glance  shows  an  apparent  contrast 
between  songs  and  the  tendencies  sketched  in  the  rest  of  the 
material.  Fuller  study  shows  unity.  Folk-ways  and  Folk- 
mind. 

i.  a.  Tendencies.  Expressiveness:  Abuse,  "bluff,"  in 
decent  language,  love  of  display,  music,  inactivity  and 
superficiality,  lying,  care  for  churches,  emotionalism,  exag 
geration. 

Appropriativeness :  Love  of  money,  desultory  work, 
(taking  whatever  comes  along) .  Gregariousness :  Sexual 
morality,  sociality,  law-abidingness,  imitation  and  original 
ity,  honesty.  More  inclusive  traits,  spontaneity  as  shown 
in  expressiveness,  gregariousness  and  appropriativeness 
working  together.  Vagrancy,  wandering,  sense  of  depen 
dence,  lack  of  restraint,  provincialism,  childishness,  moral 
earnestness  (lack  of). 

b.  "Weak"  tendencies.  Assertiveness.  Competition 
with  whites,  lack  of  resultfulness.  Responsiveness  (sym 
pathy)  not  gregarious.  Irreverence  to  age  (ingratitude 
charged  by  many). 


H3egro  Craits  anD  tfte  iQegro  pto&lem  363 

Percepti veness.  Curiosity  and  observation  power — not 
indicated  by  data,  but  probably  characteristic. 

2.  Psychological  Processes.  Analysis  of  "sporting" 
songs.*  Feeling.  Sensuality. — If  I  get  drunk,  who's  goin' 
to  carry  me  home?  Brown  skin  woman,  she's  chocolate  to 
the  bone.  Learn  me  to  leave  all  women  alone.  Clothes  all 
dirty  and  ain't  got  no  broom.  Ole  dirty  clothes  all  hangin' 
in  de  room.  Satisfied  (women,  whisky  and  brag).  Don't 
you  let  my  honey  catch  you  here.  Wonder  where  my 
honey  stay  las'  night.  Got  a  baby;  don't  care  whar  she 
goes.  Biscuit,  gravy  an'  potato  pie. 

Sensuous  feeling. — If  this  ain't  the  Holy  Ghost,  I  don' 
know.  It  just  suits  me.  You  have  hurt  my  feelings  but 
I  won't  let  on.  Good  mornin',  judge,  done  killed  my  man. 

Intellect.  Imitation. — Dere's  one  little,  two  little,  three 
little  angels  (from  the  whites,  but  adapted).  If  I  git 
drunk,  etc.  (adapted  from  similar  songs  of  the  whites).  I 
wouldn't  have  a  yaller  gal  (original  from  the  whites,  but 
much  changed).  Slow  train  run  thro'  Arkansas  (partially 
from  the  whites).  (Probably  many  other  instances,  but  in 
all  cases  adapted  and  changed  by  the  negroes.)  Fatalism. — 
'Taint  no  use  o'  me  a-wukkm'  this  mornin',  cause  I  ain't 
goin'  to  work  no  mo'.  Good  mornin',  judge,  etc.  (Prob 
ably  others.) — Concreteness. — Dere  ain't  no  gamblers  in 
heaben.  R.  R.  Songs.  Joe  Turner  and  the  chain-gang. 
Song  of  the  "hand-out."  Ev'y  since  I  lef  dat  country  farm, 
ev'ybody  been  down  on  me.  (Train  song  with  mimicry.) 
Obscene  songs  in  general. 

Humor. — Ole  satan  weah  a  i'on  shoe.  Adam  an'  de 
rooster  had  a  fight.  Stagolee.  Good  mornin',  judge,  done 
kill  my  man.  Joe  Turner  and  the  Chain-gang.  When  you 
think  I'm  workin',  I'm  walkin'  the  street  (pun?).  Ev'y 
body  been  down  on  me.  Greasy,  greasy,  Lawd !  I  killed  a 
man,  killed  a  man.  Nobody  to  pay  my  fine.  Goin'  to 

*The  titles  are  first  lines  of  negro  songs  collected  by  Mr.  H. 
W.  Odum. 


364        Race  SDrtftooorj?  in  tfte 

raise  hell  roun'  de  pay-cab  do'.  Went  up-town  on  Friday 
night,  went  to  kill  a  kid,  reached  my  han'  in  my  pocket, 
nothin'  to  kill  um  wid.  Wonder  whar  my  honey  stay  las' 
night.  Watermelon  smilin'  on  de  vine.  Chicken,  don't 
roos'  too  high  for  me. 

Will.  Inertia,  etc. — Take  yo'  time.  I  ain't  bother  yet. 
When  you  think  I'm  wukkin'  I  ain't  doin'  a  thing.  "Hand 
out"  song.  Still  I  ain't  bother  none. — Elasticity  of  spirit. — 
Slide  me  down,  I'll  sho  slide  up  again. 

Irresponsibleness. — Went  up-town  to  give  my  trouble 
away.  Got  a  baby;  don't  care  whar  she  goes. 

General  character  attitude,  temperament.  Bumptious 
ness. — 'Taint  nobody's  business  but  my  own.  Coin*  to 
raise  hell  around  de  pay-cab  do'.  My  pahdner  fall  spraw- 
lin'.  I  ain't  goin'  to  tell  how  he  died.  Went  up-town  to  kill 
a  kid,  etc.  Coon  songs.  Stagolee,  etc. 

Irresponsibleness  (under  will,  add  the  following)  :  I 
ain't  bother  yet.  Still  I  ain't  bother  none.  Good  morn- 
in',  judge,  etc.  Wonder  whar  my  baby  stay  las'  night. 

Anthropomorphism. — Ole  satan  weah  a  i'on  shoe.  O 
God,  don't  talk  lak  a  natchral  man.  Do,  Lord,  remember 
me.  Religious  songs  in  general.  (Songs  concerning  ani 
mals.) 

SUMMARY  OF  TRAITS. 

From  the  sociological  study  in  general :  provincialism 
(lodges,  churches,  songs,  fashions,  etc.),  dependence  (re 
ligion,  attitude  toward  whites,  gregariousness  in  general), 
lack  of  restraint  (religion,  social  and  family  life,  sexual 
morality,  etc.).  From  the  psychology  of  the  songs: 
Bumptiousness,  anthropomorphism,  Irresponsibleness. 
Sense  of  humor  seems  to  be  a  katharsis  for  all  of  these 
characteristics.  The  traits  go  in  pairs :  Bumptiousness  and 
provincialism,  the  hoodlum  characteristics ;  anthropomorph 
ism  and  dependence,  the  savage  element ;  irresponsibleness 
and  lack  of  restraint,  the  child  ingredient.  Tends  to  be 


Jl2e0ro  Crafts  anD  tfte  iQegro  Problem  365 

hoodlum  in  his  pleasures:  savage  in  his  intellectual  proc 
esses;  child  in  will.  Hoodlumism  the  danger.  Child  and 
savage  normal;  hoodlum  abnormal  and  criminal. 

Restlessness,  loafing,  love  of  excitement,  sensuality — be 
setting  sins.  Hoodlumism  the  refuge  of  the  submerged 
tenth. 

Bodily  traits.  Not  specifically  dealt  with  in  data. 
"Peristaltic"  in  bodily  temperament.  Use  of  fundamental 
rather  than  finer  accessory  elements.  Not  jerky,  smooth 
and  flowing,  animal  gracefulness  even  when  awkward. 
Body  not  degenerate.  Large  death  rate  mostly  due  to 
ignorance,  carelessness,  filth  and  poverty.  Probably  not  yet 
adapted  to  high  pressure  city  life. 

Brain  undeveloped  rather  than  deficient.  Associative 
systems  meager.  Bean's  investigations  show  a  fair  num 
ber  of  negro  brains  up  to  and  beyond  lower  level  of  whites. 
Frontal  suture  idea  overworked  and  without  sufficient 
authority.  Closing  of  frontal  suture  may  be  largely  func 
tional  and  hence  easily  affected  by  development  of  the 
brain. 

Negro  not  an  aberrant  form  of  white;  nor  a  hopelessly 
arrested  form  of  anything.  His  character  shows  great 
plasticity  and  not  a  little  promise.  His  most  exploited 
fault,  sensuality,  seems  to  have  been  a  common  one  among 
the  Corinthian  "saints"  to  whom  St.  Paul  wrote.  Shake 
speare's  day  seems  to  have  been  quite  sensual,  etc.  Fashion 
and  custom  in  sexual  morality.  Negroes  develop  a  system 
of  conventions,  and  are  beginning  to  practice  social  ostra 
cism  for  sexual  irregularities. 

Another  fault  often  referred  to  is  laziness.  Compare 
Prof.  Barrett  Wendell  in  Boston  Transcript  for  Feb.  5, 
1908,  where  he  describes  the  work  of  certain  white  la 
borers  in  the  north.  Laziness  is  human,  especially  when 
climate  is  languorous  and  one  knows  nothing,  is  regarded 
as  nothing  and  has  nothing  to  live  for. 

Their  religion  is  often  spoken  of  as  peculiarly  savage. 
Perhaps  so,  but  compare  the  older  revival  scenes,  love 


366        Race  2Drtf)oDosp  in  tfte  Soutft 

feasts,  class-meetings  and  the  like.  Nevertheless,  tho'  the 
negro's  hope  of  development  as  a  race  is  by  no  means  to 
be  sneered  at,  he  differs  from  the  white  not  only  in  develop 
ment  but  in  kind.  The  lowest  whites  have  the  defects  of 
whites,  not  negroes;  the  highest  negroes  have  the  good 
qualities  of  negroes,  not  whites.  Many  of  these  differences 
are  indefinable;  but  a  consideration  of  the  songs  (for  in 
stance)  of  low  grade  negroes  will  show  at  once  character 
istic  differences  in  temperament  that  will  keep  whites  and 
blacks  apart  for  all  time. 

PSYCHOLOGY   OF   RACE-PREJUDICE 


Will  follow  the  lines  indicated  in  "Outline  of  Argument." 
Race-enmity,  race-pride  and  race-conscience  will  be  dis 
tinguished.  The  relation  of  political,  religious  and  other 
forms  of  "equality"  (communion)  will  be  shown  and  their 
connection  with  intermarriage.  The  ground  will  be  taken 
that  the  whites  will  never  permit  any  form  of  equality  in 
practice  (communion).  Whites  are  beginning  to  withhold 
land  from  negroes.  As  soon  as  the  idea  takes  root  in  the 
mind  of  the  white  masses,  this  is  a  white  man's  country! 
will  become  a  reality  in  a  still  greater  degree  than  it  is 
to-day.  Present  status  of  negro  only  feasible  one  if  he 
remains  in  South.  Race  feeling  spreading  rapidly  all  over 
the  English-speaking  world.  "Nation"  has  ever  meant 
"birth"  to  the  Teutonic  consciousness.  And  social  utility  as 
judged  by  the  ruling  population  is  the  supreme  test  of  the 
moral  Tightness  or  wrongness  of  a  people's  attitude  toward 
putting  abstract  humanitarianism  into  practice  among  peo 
ple  who  can  never  be  "of  the  kin." 

III.  Education,  etc. 

Interest  on  the  part  of  whites  will  hardly  increase  unless 
it  is  decided  that  negroes  are  ultimately  to  go.  In  such  case 


J13e0ro  Crafts  anD  tfte  H3effto  Problem  367 

all  the  latent  humanitarianism  of  the  South  and  the  whole 
country  will  be  aroused.  At  present,  the  tendency  is: 
Hands  off;  let  the  South  settle  its  own  problem. 

The  whites  could  do  a  great  deal  for  the  negroes  and  for 
themselves  by  training  negro  servants.  Such  efforts  will 
increase  when  once  it  is  believed  that  negroes  will  not  re 
main  and  that  whites  must  become  self-dependent.  White 
doing  of  "chores"  is  now  rapidly  on  the  increase,  as  well 
as  doing  of  all  work  on  small  farms  by  whites.  Negroes 
will  learn  to  respect  chores  when  whites  show  the  real 
nobility  of  honest  handwork  of  any  kind. 

Whites  can  help  negroes  in  education  by  church  and 
lodge  only  on  condition  that  negroes  are  believed  to  be  no 
permanent  part  of  population.  Negroes  show  the  germs 
of  social  cooperation  in  their  management  of  their  institu 
tional  affairs.  Social  settlements  among  negroes  by  better 
class  of  colored  folk  ought  to  be  organized  on  a  scientific 
basis.  If  the  negroes  are  to  be  here  only  temporarily,  the 
social  help  of  whites  will  not  be  put  under  the  ban  as  at 
present,  inasmuch  as  it  will  be  seen  that  only  humanitarian 
motives  and  results  are  in  evidence. 

The  mulattoes  present  the  hardest  educational  problem, 
for  they  tend  to  desire  human  (white)  education.  But  the 
better  ones  can  be  led  to  cooperate  when  they  see  that  a 
solution  of  the  difficulty  is  in  sight.  If  the  negro  is 
to  have  an  independent  future,  the  apparently  opposing 
views  of  Washington  and  DeBois  will  really  prove  to  be 
complementary. 

IV.  STUDY  OF  THE  NEGRO  QUESTION 

General  comments  on  method  and  special  comments  on 
the  concrete  studies  with  suggestions  for  future  studies. 


III.    THE  RACE  QUESTION  AND  SOUTHERN 
DETERIORATION 

(Part  of  letter  to  the  author  from  a  North  Carolina  gentleman) 

There  (in  the  South)  is  the  White  Lamb  to  lie 

down  side  by  side  with  the  Black  Dog,  and  the  Puritanical 
Pharisee  (always  from  afar  off,  however)  is  to  bless  the 
Union.  Unlike  Christ,  they  think  it  is  only  meet  that  "the 
children's  bread"  should  be  cast  to  "Dogs." 

Only  fifteen  or  twenty  years  ago,  despite  the  orgies  of 
reconstruction,  a  majority  of  the  blacks  (it  is  safe  to  except 
Beaufort,  S.  C,  and  Asheville,  N.  C,  not  to  mention 
Washington,  D.  C.),  when  addressing  white  people,  would, 
as  a  rule,  use  those  old  terms  of  courtesy, — "Sir"  and 
"Mam";  and  now  and  then,  though  rarely,  even  touch  the 
cap;  but  now  these  outward  signs  of  deference  are  nearly 
always  positively  omitted.  If  words  of  this  sort  are  ever 
now  employed  by  blacks,  it  is  when  one  of  your  servants 
announces  that  a  "gentleman"  or  a  "lady"  wishes  to  see 
you.  We  all  know  now  perfectly  well  when  these  words  are 
used  it  means  a  negro  man  or  woman ;  but  if,  instead,  they 
said  simply  "man"  or  "woman,"  we  are  never  in  doubt  as  to 
the  color,  that  always  designates  a  white  person,  not  a 
black.  Evidently,  the  intent  is  to  assert  that  the  black  is 
not  only  the  equal,  but  the  superior  of  the  white;  and 
tho'  I  have  overheard  this  sort  of  thing  a  thousand  times, 
I  cannot  recall  a  single  instance  in  which  the  servant  was 
reprimanded. 

Indeed,  the  whites,  on  the  other  hand,  are,  either 

368 


Southern  Deterioration  369 

through  policy  or  fear,  so  anxious  not  to  antagonize  nig- 
gerdom,  that  one  rarely  hears  them  speak  of  the  blacks 
(that  is,  in  their  presence)  save  as  "colored  people,"  "nig 
ger"  is  tabooed.  This  implies  a  certain  deference  towards 
their  pretensions  of  at  least  an  approximation  to  social 
equality;  a  claim  that  even  in  Reconstruction  Days  would 
have  been  resented.  Some  might  insist  this  is  really  a  very 
unimportant  matter,  but  it  very  clearly  indicates  not  only  a 
change  in  conditions,  but  what  is  more  important  by  far,  the 
direction  in  which  we  are  drifting;  and  such  movements 
are  characteristic 

In  the  South  to-day,  as  of  old,  the  inside  of  the  sidewalk 
was  always  accorded  to  the  fair  sex;  at  least  in  communi 
ties  where  the  New  Woman  and  the  Suffragette  have  not 
abundantly  satisfied  us  that  she  isn't  a  bit  better  or  more 
refined  than  a  "Mere  Man."  Stand  to-day  on  the  pavement 
of  any  street  in  a  Southern  town,  that  is,  where  it  is  not 
crowded  (then  "to  the  right"  as  mere  matter  of  necessity, 
has  to  be  the  custom),  and  watch  the  passers,  blacks  and 
whites.  In  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  the  negroes,  both  men  and 
women  (more  especially  the  latter)  will  very  persistently 
endeavor  to  monopolize  the  inner  side;  even  the  negro 
children  show  what  are  their  home  teachings  by  their  ef 
forts  in  this  direction.  There  is,  it  is  true,  a  very  consider 
able  difference  in  this,  even  in  towns  not  very  far  apart. 
At  least,  less  than  ten  years  ago,  the  negroes  in  Greenville, 
S.  C,  accepted  the  white  man's  "right  of  way,"  but  at  the 
same  time,  in  Spartanburg,  S.  C.,  hardly  over  30  miles 
further  east,  time  and  again,  I  have  seen  negroes  forcing — 
practically — even  "ladies"  to  take  the  outside. 

On  the  other  hand,  while  the  whites,  say  some  twenty 
years  ago,  would  have  resented  this,  they  now  usually 
acquiesce  without  the  faintest  protest  (the  men,  too)  ;  as 
they  do  in  ignoring  intentionally  many  other  little  imperti 
nences  on  the  part  of  the  blacks;  none  of  very  aggressive 
character,  but  always  very  evidently  intended,  not  only  as 
assertions  of  independence,  but  of  racial  equality,  and  per- 


370       Kace  flDrtftoDosp  in  tfte  Soutft 

sonal,  too.  It  is  quite  sure  that  when  they  effect  this  with 
out  any  resentment  being  shown  by  the  whites,  it  inspires 
the  average  negro  with  the  conviction  that  he  has  got  the 
better  of  his  betters ;  and  this  is  not  calculated  to  make  him 
as  satisfactory  a  factor  in  the  labor  problem.  Your  darkie 
who  is  continually  striving  to  show  truculently  his  in 
dependence,  as  a  "dependent"  (and  in  vast  majority  of 
cases  he  cannot  hope  to  rise  above  that)  makes  usually  a 
very  unsatisfactory  sort  of  laborer. 

No  doubt  millions  of  New  Englanders  would  laugh  at  my 
contention,  and  insist  that  such  negroes  were  only  showing 
a  praiseworthy  and  manly  spirit, — yet  the  better  classes,  at 
least,  at  the  North  would  never  dream  of  permitting  a 
white  servant  to  take  the  liberties  that  black  servants  at 
the  South  insist  on  as  one  of  their  privileges.  I  have 
seen  Yankees  in  Florida  who  would  address  a  white  la 
borer  as  an  inferior,  and  yet  in  intercourse  with  the  com 
monest  blacks  would  use  the  deferential  titles  of  "Mister" 
and  "Mrs."  .... 

There  is  no  race  of  people  more  prone  to  personal  vanity 
than  the  negro;  none  more  certain  to  grab  an  ell  if  you 
grant  them  an  inch :  therefore  when  the  whites  yield  in  what 
would  be  usually  called  "trifles,"  they  may  some  day  dis 
cover  that  little  by  little  these  trifles  have  grown  into 
"thunder-bolts."  The  serious  part  of  all  this  is  the  sense  of 
a  moral  victory  that  the  negro  feels  and  believes  he  has 
won  over  the — at  least  nominally — superior  race:  all  this 
is  a  two-edged  weapon  that  cuts  both  ways;  it  encourages 
that  truculent  vanity,  which  is  one  of  their  wily  racial 
traits,  and  at  the  same  time  it  lessens,  fraction  by  fraction, 
that  sense  of  self-esteem  which  really  helped  of  old  the 
Southerner  to  be  what  he  pretended — a  man  of  the  highest 
race. 

That  faith  in  ourselves  is  made  up  partly  of  conceit  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  but  in  practical  affairs  in  real  life  it  has 
often  effected  greater  results  than  some  of  the  noblest 
virtues.  And  when  any  race  loses  faith  in  its  own  powers 


Deterioration  371 

of  achievement,  when  it  begins  to  even  only  suspect  that 
its  "superiority"  is  merely  a  sham,  that  people  will  never 
win  the  prizes  of  this  life,  however  much  their  humility  may 
entitle  them  to  "many  mansions"  in  Heaven. 

On  the  other  hand,  what  of  the  whites?  In  1861 — if  the 
South  could  have  placed  equal  numbers  in  the  field  as  the 
Northerners,  is  it  not  manifest  that  in  a  year  or  two  almost 
the  war  would  have  been  decided  in  our  favor?  Yet,  were 
"Yankees"  really  more  deficient  in  courage  than  South 
erners?  Not  a  bit  of  it.  But  the  Southerner,  just  because 
he  was  master  of  an  inferior  race,  had  come  to  feel  and 
honestly  believe  that  he  was  of  the  highest  type  of  man 
kind;  and  this  conviction  (conceit  you  may  call  it)  helped 
at  any  rate  to  make  him  a  nobler  being,  certainly,  than  had 
he  felt  that  he  was  only  posing,  an  empty  pretender  to 
virtues  he  did  not  possess. 

But  under  present  conditions,  and  conditions  that  have 
persisted  for  over  forty  years,  the  race,  in  all  its  nobler 
qualities,  could  not  fail  to  deteriorate.  When  we  have 
to  truckle  to  a  people  that  we  know  are  our  inferiors, 
whether  it  be  from  policy  or  as  a  matter  of  necessity,  it  can 
not  but  fail  to  weaken  our  moral  fiber. 

And  we  do  truckle  to  the  "Heroic  Hottentot,"  and  its  in 
fluence  is  even  worse,  because,  as  a  rule,  it  is  done  less  from 
fear  than  from  policy.  The  larger  land-owners  (not  the 
one-horse  farmer),  the  employers  of  labor,  want  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  that  class  on  whom  they  must  depend 
largely  to  cultivate  their  crops.  Any  able-bodied  negro, 
however  ignorant  or  brutal,  is  an  important  factor  in  the 
cotton-patch;  and  if  another  man's  tenant  this  year,  next 
year  he  may  be  mine.  Then  there  is  the  country  merchant, 
the  "storekeeper,"  who  really  makes  the  best  of  his  profits — 
not  out  of  the  whites,  who  are  shrewd  and  given  to  saving, 
but  out  of  the  blacks,  who  are  gullible,  who  forget  the  past, 
never  give  a  thought  to  the  future — and  what  they  make 
this  month  is  next  either  on  their  backs  or  in  their  bellies. 
He  is  really  the  Tradesman's  Treasure-trove,  and  without 


372        Race  SDnfjoDorp  in  tfte  South 

him  they  would  rarely  climb  up,  as  they  often  do,  to  the 
position  of  "leading  citizens."  They  are  our  "Captains  of 
Industry,"  and  in  all  these  the  "acquisitive  instinct"  is  the 
one  great  virtue  under  the  Commercial  Code.  The  highest 
development  of  some  of  the  higher  faculties  gives  us  a 
genius ;  the  highest  development  of  the  lowest  faculties  gives 
us  a  Morgan  and  a  Rockefeller. 

Now  then  two  influential  classes,  the  large  landholders 
and  the  country  merchants,  the  one  needing  the  negro  for 
what  he  calls  (I  think  mistakenly)  his  "cheap  labor";  the 
other,  really  depending  on  him,  as  his  "best  customer" — 
these  two,  I  say,  were  an  exodus  of  the  black  race  inau 
gurated,  would  be  the  first  to  bitterly  oppose  any  such 
course.  In  such  an  event,  the  lordly  landlord  and  the  lu 
crative  tradesman  would  grow  eloquent  in  their  declaration 
of  devotion  to  the  darky.  This  is  his  country  as  well  as 
ours  (except  on  "Election  Day,"  of  course)  ;  it  is  our  duty 
("duty"  comes  in  so  conveniently  as  a  substitute  for  the 
omnipotent  dollar)  to  encourage  and  help  them.  Back  to 
Africa?  Never.  Our  "colored  people,"  no,  they  must 
never  leave  us!  The  Devil,  you  know,  is  never  seen  can 
vassing  openly  "on  the  stump,"  but  always  dodging — behind 
it.  Satisfy  the  landlord  and  the  merchant  that  as  blacks 
go  out  whites  will  come  in,  and  that  with  this  immigra 
tion  of  a  better  class  of  people,  land  values  will  enormously 
increase,  and  "business"  steadily  advance,  then,  I  am  quite 
sure,  even  these  two  classes  will  help  to  "speed  the  parting 
guest." 

Now,  here  at  the  South  to-day,  nearly  every  State,  in  fact, 
I  think  all  of  them,  are  spending  liberally  to  educate  the 
negro;  that  is,  to  increase  the  negro  vote  (which  is  and  al 
ways  will  be  a  Republican  asset)  in  this  section.  To  effect 
this,  too,  as  compared  to  the  North,  though  poor,  we  are 
taking  the  pennies  out  of  the  pockets  of  poor  whites,  whose 
own  children  are  very  imperfectly  educated,  to  eductte  the 
blacks ;  though  it  is  very  evident  the  more  highly  we  educate 
them  the  less  likely  they  are  to  remain  contented  with  a  sub- 


Soutftern  Deterioration  373 

ordinate  position  racially  or  individually.  Indeed,  if  we 
really  intend  to  persist  in  exacting  this  racial  subordination, 
it  is  an  injustice  to  the  negro,  because  by  reen  forcing  his  dis 
content,  we,  of  course,  lessen  his  chances  of  happiness.  It 
is  true,  here  and  there,  by  this  method,  we  may  evolve  a 
"Booker  Washington"  (that  is  out  of  the  mongrelized  por 
tion  of  the  negroes),  but  surely  the  vast  majority  of  them, 
if  never  to  be  accepted  as  equals  of  the  whites,  had  much 
best  remain  fairly  contented  plowboys  than  thoroughly 
disaffected,  disgruntled  professors  or  parsons ;  all  the  more 
so — as  there  would  be,  in  any  case — probably  not  one  "Du- 
bois"  to  a  thousand  laboring  darkies.  It  is  both  foolish  and 
unfair  to  encourage  methods  that  benefit  (even  if  that  be 
not  doubtful)  a  very  few,  and  practically  punish  the  many. 

No  doubt  even  many  Southerners  believe  that  the  very 
liberal  assistance  given  to  educational  institutions  for  the 
blacks  in  the  South  is  an  evidence  of  honest  philanthropy; 
but  this,  as  a  rule,  is  altogether  a  mistake.  Instead  of  being 
an  evidence  of  the  deep  interest  the  Yankee  takes  in  the 
negro's  welfare,  it  very  clearly  shows  their  shrewd  recogni 
tion  of  the  fact  that  the  best  way  to  protect  the  Northern 
States  from  an  undesired  and  undesirable  class  of  colored 
citizens  is  to  make  them  better  satisfied  with  their  condi 
tions  in  the  South.  Of  course,  just  as  the  Southern  planter, 
who  is  really  after  "cheap  labor,"  prates  about  his  friendly 
interest  in  his  black  hirelings,  so  the  wealthy  and  far- 
sighted  Pharisee  of  New  England  covers  his  "exclusion 
policy"  with  the  broad  mantle  of  philanthropy.  Nor  can  I 
blame  him.  Everything,  including,  of  course,  too,  the 
"other  fellow"  should  be  sacrificed  to  maintain  the  racial 
purity  of  the  white  man.  That  once  lost,  there  can  be  no 
hope  of  regeneration. 

.  .  .  I  have  no  hopes  of  getting  rid  of  all  of  our 
"brothers  in  black";  the  "poor  we  shall  have  always  with 
us,"  but  the  swollen  swells,  the  "gentlemen  of  color,"  who 
are  haughty,  and  the  "ladies  of  color,"  who  are  very  gen 
erally  naughty,  these,  and  the  really  discontented,  it  is 


374       Race  ffi>rtftoDo^  in  tfte  Soutft 

safe  to  say,  would  avail  themselves  of  free  tickets  to 
a  show  where  the  whites,  at  any  rate,  would  have  no 
"showing."  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Depriving  the  negro  of  his  vote  by  tricks  can 
never  prove  a  really  satisfactory  triumph.  It  is  now  only 
winked  at  because  the  lesser  of  two  evils.  .  .  . 

Even  the  Indians,  a  much  nobler  race  than  the  Africans, 
recognized  the  white  man's  primacy.  They  have  a  saying — 
even  to  this  day — among  the  Cherokees  in  western  North 
Carolina :  "First,  white  man ;  next,  Indian,  then  Indian  dog, 
then — nigger !" 

As  I  have  explained,  the  changes  from  year  to  year  are 
so  very  slight  that  those  who  live  in  the  "Black  Belt"  fail 
to  recognize  them  at  all;  nor  perhaps  should  I,  but  as  for 
some  twelve  years  past  I  have  lived — at  least  usually  from 
April  to  November — in  the  mountains  of  western  North 
Carolina,  where  the  blacks  in  rural  neighborhoods  are 
hardly  ever  seen;  and  in  winter  usually  far  south  in 
Florida,  which  is  less  infested  by  "colored  gentlemen"  than 
by  Yankees,  just  because  only  at  comparatively  long  inter 
vals  am  I  brought  in  contact  with  conditions  here,  I  can 
perceive  the  changes  which  the  resident  flatters  himself 
haven't  occurred. 

But  they  "have  occurred,"  and  when  the  drift  is  always 
and  steadily  in  one  direction  such  changes  will  eventually 
entirely  revolutionize  conditions.  The  negro  will  never — as 
a  pure  blooded  black — dominate,  it  is  true;  but  the  white 
man  will  deteriorate  and  become  mongrelized. 

A  summer  boarder  who  occupied  one  of  my  two  cottages 
near  Hendersonville  last  season,  spoke  in  almost  eulogistic 
terms  of  a  "colored"  doctor  in  their  little  town;  and  she 
mentioned  that  a  cousin  of  mine  (now  dead),  also  a  doctor 
in  same  place,  often  called  on  him  for  "consultations." 
Though  of  old  Southern  stock,  she  held  this  quite  right  and 
proper. 

A  wise  and  witty  Frenchman  has  said:  "It  is  only  the 
first  step  that  costs."  Once  you  stoop,  whether  it  is  from 


Southern  Deterioration  375 

necessity  or  policy  or  convenience,  you  will  find  that  the 
oftener  you  do  it  the  less  you  will  feel  its  degradation. 
The  big  planter  who  objects  to  any  negro  exodus,  because 
it  will  lessen  his  supply  of  labor,  knows  perfectly  well  that 
if  socially  he  and  his  escape  to  a  large  degree  the  racial  con 
tamination,  his  poor  neighbors  do  not.  This  now  may  con 
cern  him  very  little,  but  in  the  next  generation  the  sons 
of  that  very  poor  neighbor  intermarry  with  his  own,  and 
sooner  or  later  the  deterioration  of  one  class  will  affect 
imperiously  a  higher  and  better  one.  Try  as  we  may,  we 
can  never  in  this  country  build  up  a  really  "privileged 
class"  who  will  not  suffer  for  the  sins  of  those  nominally 
below  them. 


IV.  SYLLABUS  OF  TENTATIVE  AND  SUGGES 
TIVE  SCIENTIFIC  STUDY  OF  THE  NEGRO 
AND  NEGRO  PROBLEM 

I.    Anthropology 

(See  Haddon.     Study  of  Man,  Appendix  A:  The  An 
thropological  Sciences — Brinton's  Classification.) 

1.  Somatology. — Craniology   (celebrated  frontal  suture 
hypothesis,  which  keeps  on  getting  stated  uncritically  in 
book  after  book)  ;  myology ;  "peristaltic"  action  of  negro 
muscles  (T.  P.  B.)  ;  splanchnology  (peculiarities  of  sexual 
organs,  etc.)  (Broca). 

2.  Anthropometry. — Data  collected  by  Hoffman  taken 
as  a  basis  and  greatly  extended.    School  children,  white  and 
black.    Experimental  building  up  of  children  of  both  races 
with  physical  culture  and  proper  dieting. 

3.  Psychology     ("Laboratory"). — Sensation,     reaction- 
time,  etc.,  effects  of  emotion,  etc.     (See  later  for  Psychol 
ogy  of  Character.) 

4.  Developmental   and   Comparative   Heredity. — Traits 
running  through  negro  families — how   far  biological  and 
how  far  "social"  inheritance.     "Spontaneous  variations." 
"Rapid  mutations."    Ethnic  anatomy,  physiology,  pathology. 
So-called  pubertal  arrest  of  development.     How  far  is  it 
associated  with  bad  sexual  and  other  habits?    Comparative 
nosology  and  medical  geography  (immunity,  susceptibility, 
adaptability  to  climate,  etc.    See  references  by  Tillinghast, 
et  al.).     Hookworm,  pellagra,  etc.     Vital  statistics.     Fer 
tility  and  sterility.     Causes  and  tendencies.    Zones  of  fer 
tility  and  zones  of  morbidity.    Mulatto  and  black.    Habits 
and  hygiene.    Artificial  sterility.    Concubinage  vs.  prostitu- 

376 


of  ^uggestitie  ®tuDp      377 

tion  (Hoffman).     Criminal  anthropology.     (Native  or  en 
vironmental.    Consciousness  of  being  outcasts.) 

II.    Ethnology 

1.  Social. — Government,  African,  American.     Tutelage 
in  African  colonies  and  West  Indian  negro  states.    Ethical 
standards:   morality   vs.   religion    (a   hoary   contrast   that 
needs  critical  examination :  the  indications  are  that  the  most 
religious  negroes  are  the  most  moral,  and  vice  versa). 

Marriage  relations.  (How  much  due  to  slavery,  how 
much  to  white  prestige,  scorn  and  lust.)  Women  working 
for  men  (Cp.  S.  Africa). 

Social  classes  and  institutions.  Negro  aristocracy,  how 
far  imitative,  how  far  does  it  draw  color  line  between  mu- 
lattoes  and  blacks? 

Development  of  societies,  lodges,  etc.  (H.  W.  Odum). 

2.  Technological. — Tool-making.       (Study    of     "nat 
ural'*    artisans   and   their   devices — not   much   "necessity" 
to    stimulate    technological    invention    in    the    jungles    of 
Africa). 

Music,  how  far  spontaneous;  what  are  its  differentiae? 
Games — variations  from  those  of  whites.  (Place  to  study 
latent  possibilities  of  inventiveness.  See  Groos :  Play  of 
Animals  and  Play  of  Man.) 

3.  Religion.    Is  it  emotional  or  is  it  excitable?    Moral, 
immoral  or  non-moral?     Are  there  many  temperamental 
types,   as   among  whites?     Negro    Presbyterians,   Episco 
palians,  Congregationalists,  Roman  Catholics,  "Northern" 
Methodists,    etc.,    as    compared    with    independent    negro 
churches. 

Peculiarities  of  theology.  Idea  of  a  "Saviour.'7  "Jus 
tification."  "Heaven  and  Hell."  Religion,  rhythm,  and 
sex. 

4.  Linguistics. — Vocal  peculiarities.     Africanisms.     La 
bials  vs.  gutturals.    "Gullah"  (coast  of  S.  C.    Sewanee  Re 
view,  1909).    "Negro  laugh."    Poetry  and  rhythm. 


378        Kate  flDrt&oDosg  in  tfie  Sotttb 

5.  Folk-lore. — "Uncle  Remus"  variations :  Georgia,  Vir 
ginia,  Carolina,  Mississippi,  Louisiana.  How  far  do  negroes 
live  in  folk-lore  stage  ? 

(6.    ^Esthetic.) 

(7.     Moral.) 

(8.     Institutional,  etc.) 


III.    Ethnography 

1.  General. — Migrations  toward  alluvial  regions,  toward 
cities,   etc.     Town  vs.   city   families   and  individuals.     Is 
Stone  right  in  calling  negroes  migratory?     Is  this  neces 
sarily  a  bad  trait? 

2.  Special. — Relation  of  African  to  Mediterranean  race. 
Japanese  and  mulattoes.     (Ripley,  Sergi,  et  al.) 

IV.     Archeology 

Why  is  there  no  tropical  African  archaeology  ?  Heredity 
vs.  Environment.  Is  there  a  jungle  archaeology  anywhere? 
Primitive  Negro  Industries  (Bras,  Ripley's  bibliography.) 


A.    Psychology  of  Character 

I.  Negro  as  (i)  child,  (2)  savage,  (3)  hoodlum,  (4) 
tramp,  (5)  criminal.    Consciousness  of  being  an  "outcast." 

II.  Tendencies,    instinctive   and    habitual:    Gregarious, 
Appropriative,  Expressive,  etc.     (Ethological  system  of  T. 
P.  B.) 

III.  Character  in  Song  (see  notes  in  Odum's  materials). 

IV.  Temperament.     Is  there  a  typical  negro  tempera 
ment  ?  E.g.,  are  all  negroes  "emotional"  in  any  sense  of  the 
word  ?  Are  there  sub-racial  types  of  temperament  ? 

V.  Psychological  phases  and  stages   (assimilation,  imi- 


Spllafius  of  ^uggestiue  StuDp      379 

tation,  imagination,  attention,  endeavor,  pursuit,  interest, 
belief,  anticipation,  etc.)  (T.  P.  B.'s  Psychology  of  Char 
acter).  Do  the  psychological  phases  square  with  the  im 
pulsive  tendencies? 

"Stock  traits" :  Unresentful,  ungrateful,  sensual,  lazy,  un 
observant,  shiftless,  emotional,  shallow,  patient,  etc.  Great 
need  of  critical  working  over  of  concrete  cases.  (E.g.,  Is  the 
negro  usually  unresentful  because  of  his  amiability,  his  shal- 
lowness,  his  caution,  etc.  ?  Does  he  control  his  anger  better 
than  the  American  Indian  does?  Is  the  Indian  as  resent 
ful  as  he  used  to  be?  etc.,  etc.)  Collect  "stock  traits"  from 
farmers,  merchants,  housekeepers,  writers  like  Hoffman, 
Tillinghast,  Stone,  Thomas,  Keane,  Ratzel,  etc.,  and  com 
pare  with  collections  of  concrete  cases  critically  and  "bio- 
graphically"  studied. 

B.    Psychology  of  Race  Prejudice 

1.  Plebeian  vs.  Patrician.    "Blood." 

2.  Slave  vs.  Freeman. 

3.  Unlikeness:  (a)  physical;  (b)  social;  (c)  intellectual; 
(d)  moral,  etc. 

4.  "Rights,"  "Equalities." 

5.  Biological  and  psychological  bases  of  democracy. 

C.    Study  of  Suggested  "Solutions"  of  Race  Problem 

1.  Amalgamation.      (White   and   Negro,    Mongol   and 
Negro,  Indian  and  Negro,  etc.    South  America.    Cp.  Teu 
tonic  vs.  Romanic  amalgamation  with  negroes.) 

2.  Peasantry.     (A.  H.  Stone,  et  al.) 

3.  Parallel  civilization.    No  geographical  segregation. 

4.  Segregation,  local  and  sectional. 

5.  Colonization:  commercial,  benevolent,  etc.,  vs.  pre 
pared  and  scientific. 

6.  Degeneration.    Dying  out. 

7.  Race  War.    Extermination,  etc. 


380       Kacc  2E>ttftodo*p  in  t&e 


AA.    iS'owtf  Reasons  for  Studying  the  Negro  Problem 

1.  Understand  the  past  and  then  do  justice  to  slave 
holder,  abolitionist,  etc. 

2.  Seeing  things  as  they  are  and  thus  allay  bitterness; 
discourage   dilettante   dogmatism;   inhibit   senseless   agita 
tion  ;  remove  anxiety. 

3.  Prepare  the  way  for  a  solution  and  mark  out  plans 
for  carrying  it  into  effect. 

4.  Scientific  spirit  of  the  age  taking  hold  of  all  such 
problems.     Correlation  of  scattered  data  obtained  by  the 
biological,   anthropological,    psychological,   and    social   sci 
ences.    Cooperation  of  students  of  Race  Problems. 

5.  Bringing  North  and  South  together  in  a  non-senti 
mental,    intellectual,    moral,    scientific    and    humanitarian 
study. 

6.  Duty  to  the  negro. 

7.  Saving  the  South's  best  self  from  anxiety,  arrogance, 
etc. 

8.  Utilizing  the  South's  resources  by  removing  doubt 
and  suspicion,  etc.,  encouraging  white  immigration  and  dis 
couraging  white  emigration. 

9.  Direct  education:  physical,  mental,  moral,  industrial. 

10.  Prevent  amalgamation. 

11.  Prevent  strife. 

12.  Help  solve  the  world's  race  problems. 

BB.    Some  Questions  That  Need  to  be  Answered 

i.  Does  the  negro  show  potentialities  evincing  high  pos 
sibilities  as  a  race?  Can  these  possibilities  be  made  kinetic 
under  present  conditions?  Is  the  negro  really  adaptable, 
or  is  he  parasitic?  Is  his  slowness  of  development  due  to 
deep-lying  anatomical  and  physiological  causes  or  to  envi 
ronmental  causes  ? 


of  ^uggmiue  ^tttfip      381 


2.  Is  the  negro  deteriorating?     If  so,  why?    Is  civili 
zation  killing  him,  or  is  it  neglect,  ignorance,  slum  life, 
etc.?     Is  his  peculiar  proneness  to  certain  diseases  con 
nate?     If  so,  why  did  it  not  develop  in  slavery?     Is  the 
progress  of  the  few  a  permanent  gain  correlative  with  a 
stable,  physical  basis,  or  is  there  physical  deterioration  go 
ing  on  in  the  "best  families"  ? 

3.  Is  the  negro  developing  his  own  civilization?     Can 
it  stand  alone?    Has  he  enough  talented  individuals?    Can 
the  few  save  the  race?    Is  his  morality  deeply  based,  or  is 
it  merely  conventional? 

4.  Where  does  he  fit  in?    Will  the  Southern  whites  al 
low  him  to  develop  freely?     Should  they  do  so,  and  be 
content  with  a  lower  efficiency  than  might  come  to  a  purely 
white  population?     If  the  negro  should  develop  a  worthy 
parallel  civilization,  can  it  stand  permanently  without  bio 
logical  assimilation  of  the  races? 

5.  Are  the   "equalities"   all   based   on    potential   social 
equality?    Is  social  equality  possible  or  advisable  in  a  de 
mocracy  without  intermarriage?     What  would  happen  if 
race  enmity  could  be  put  out  of  the  mind  of  the  Southern 
masses?    If  the  gap  between  the  races  is  growing,  should 
we  expect  the  problem  to  "solve  itself"? 

6.  Should  people  be  educated  in  the  dark  without  ref 
erence  to  their  future?    Will  the  Southern  whites  give  the 
negro  "industrial  education"  at  the  expense  of  the  white 
children  ?    Should  the  negro  elite  be  as  well  educated  as  the 
superior  individuals  among  the  whites?    If  education  gives 
freedom  and  initiative  and  calls  for  liberty,  equality,  and 
fraternity,  shall  we  expect  negro  education  to  act  in  some 
exceptional  way?     Is  there  any  probability  that  Southern 
whites  will  ever  grant  the  negroes  all  the  equalities  that 
free  human  souls  ought  to  have? 

7.  Is  there  greater  danger  in  drifting  than  in  organizing 
a  national  study  of  the  question?    Is  now  always  the  day 
for   foresight  as  well  as  "salvation,"  or  is  the  Southern 
situation  sufficiently  satisfactory  for  all  practical  purposes? 


382        Eace  flDrt&oDosg  in  tfie  Soutft 

Shall  our  Southern  children  of  the  dominant  race  be  al 
lowed  to  grow  up  in  an  atmosphere  of  contempt  and  arro 
gance  and  hatred  and  our  men  and  women  suffer  from 
chronic  uneasiness  and  anxiety  and  a  divided  conscience,  or 
is  the  present  situation  morally  and  economically  satis 
factory  ? 


V.    TENTATIVE    SUGGESTIVE    SYLLABUS    OF 
STATISTICAL  STUDY  OF  THE  NEGRO 

Method 

I.  Comparative  data  as  to   whites,   negroes   and   mu- 
lattoes. 

II.  Following  leads  indicated  by  cross-classification.  For 
instance,  in  studying  number  of  rooms  in  houses,  follow 
up  suggestions  as  to  biological  effects  (disease,  maldevelop- 
ment),  social  conditions,  economic  bearings,  moral  results 
and  the  like.     Reduce  qualitative  data  to  quantitative  and 
explain  quantitative  by  qualitative. 

III.  Many  observers  to  study  one  topic,  and  one  ob 
server  to  study  many  topics.    Check  off  results  of  one  ob 
server  by  those  of  another;  one  locality  by  another,  etc. 
Fresh  study  of  Philadelphia  to  compare  with  Du  Bois';  of 
Columbia,  Mo.,  to  compare  with  Elwang's;  of  Covington, 
Ga.,  and  Oxford,  Miss.,  to  compare  with  Odum's;  and  so 
on. 

IV.  Concrete  studies  of  localities  to  be  compared  with 
general  census  and  other  statistical  results. 


Topics  (Divisions  Not  Mutually  Exclusive) 

I.  Biological  and  Pathological. — Vital  statistics.  Num 
ber  of  rooms  and  persons  in  room.  Articles  of  diet,  and 
methods  of  food  preparation.  Amount  and  kinds  of  exer 
cise.  Amount  of  sleep  and  rest.  Consumption  of  liquor, 
tobacco,  etc.  Diseases.  Use  of  drugs  and  patent  medi- 

383 


384       Race  ©rtbQDcrp  in  tfte 

cines.  Insanity  and  feeble-mindedness.  Strength,  vitality 
and  physical  efficiency  tests.  Care  of  bodies;  teeth;  bath 
ing.  Efficient  children  of  inefficient  parents  and  inefficient 
children  of  efficient  parents.  Longevity.  Negro  types : 
Senegambian,  Guinea,  Bantu,  "Arab,"  etc.  Percentage  of 
negroid  characteristics. 

II.  Economic  and  Industrial. — Per  capita  taxes,  due,  col 
lected;   poll-taxes;   relation  of  tax  to  income.     Ownership 
of  land  and  homes.     Mortgages  and  liens.     Savings  ac 
counts.    Kinds  of  expenditure.    Relative  amounts  spent  for 
food,  clothing,  amusements,  and  the  like.    Buying  on  install 
ment  plan.     Hours  of  work  and  play.     "Basket  brigade." 
Vagrants.     Tramps.     Length  of  engagements  of  servants 
and  laborers.     Care  of  stock,  tools,  utensils,  implements. 
Insurance:    fire,   life,   funeral;    companies,   societies,   fra 
ternal  orders.     Investments.     Farming  arrangements:    ad 
vances,  interest  paid,  crop-sharing  and  the  like.     Peonage: 
"moral"  cases  not  reached  by  law.    ("Inside  information — 
not  for  publication,"  except  statistically.) 

III.  Social     and    Ecclesiastical. — Churches:     Number, 
membership,  real  and  nominal,  finances,  money  spent  on 
buildings,  charities,  missions,  converts,  backsliders,  "repeat 
ers."     Societies :    fraternal,   social,   economic,   and   so   on. 
Marriages  and  divorces.     Migrations:  time,  place  and  cir 
cumstance    (a   typical   illustration   of   cross-classification). 
Men  supported  by  women.     Memberships  in  labor  unions. 
Exclusions  from  labor  unions  and  fraternal  orders.    Keep 
ing  rules  of  church  and  society.    Number  attending  institu 
tions  supported  by  whites;  shifting  of  membership.    Pref 
erences  in  song,  story,  jokes,  Bible  texts  and  the  like.    Col 
lection  of  songs,  proverbs,  etc.    Spontaneous  vs.  adapted  or 
imitated.    Social  circles  due  to  shades  of  color.     Segrega 
tion  in  cities,  towns,  and  country.    Servants  living  in  serv 
ants'  rooms  or  servants'  houses  vs.  number  living  at  homes 
— preference  shown.     Composition  of  households.     Com 
parison  of  numbers  as  to  childlike,  savage,  hoodlum,  va- 


of  Statistical  »tuDp      385 

grant,    tramp,    criminal.      Giving   and    receiving   presents. 
(These  are  only  a  few  samples  of  topics.) 

III.  Psychological   and    Moral. — Crimes.      Prostitutes 
and  concubines.     Illegitimate  births.     Abortions.     Infanti 
cide.     Social  and  religious  taboo  for  immorality.    Ideas  of 
moral  turpitude  in  crimes,  sins,  wrongs,  mistakes.     Gam 
bling.     Rape:    black  victims   and   white   victims.     White 
rapists  and  negro  women.    Amalgamation:   city,  town  and 
country.     Classification  of   crimes  by  motive,  kinds,   etc. 
Recidivants.     Kinds  of  criminal  temperament,  disposition, 
etc.    Cruelty  to  animals  and  children.    Neglect  of  old  peo 
ple  and  children.    Pilfering.    Instances  of  usury,  especially 
ratio  of  mulattoes  to  blacks.     Kindness  to  whites.    Grat 
itude  vs.   ingratitude.     Revenge.     Preference   for  money 
vs.  preference   for  playtime.     Relative  preference  in   at 
tending  funerals  and  weddings.    Average  wait  between  first 
and  second  marriages.     Payment  of  debts.     Proportion  of 
those  progressing  as  compared  with  those  retrograding  or 
standing  still. 

IV.  Legal  and  Political — Verbal  accusations  vs.  written 
preferment  of  charges.    Litigation.    Voters ;  public  officials 
(increase  and  decrease  in  proportion  to  population  and  lit 
eracy)  .  Owning  and  carrying  weapons.    Kinds  of  weapons. 
Proportion  saved  from  arrest  or  jail  by  white  people.    Poll- 
taxes  paid  by  whites  and  relation  to  votes.    Negroes  killed 
without  notice  being  taken  by  law.    Convictions  and  acquit 
tals  in  cases  of  blacks  against  whites  and  vice  versa.    Num 
bers  deprived  of  votes  illegally. 

V.  Intellectual  and  Educational— Illiterates  and  unlet 
tered.    Mental  arrest  at  puberty.    Scholastic  data,  especially 
ebb  and  flow  of  attendance.    Number  and  kinds  of  school 
houses  and  playgrounds.    Manual  training,  music,  physical 
culture.    Methods  of  discipline,  corporal  punishment.    EfH- 


386        Race  DrtboDozp  in  tfte 

ciency  of  graduates.  Consulting  palmists,  astrologists, 
mediums,  etc.  Classification  of  superstitions,  magical  prac 
tices,  etc. 

Percentage  who  pass  examinations  as  teachers,  lawyers, 
doctors.  Number  of  newspapers,  books,  magazines  in  pro 
portion  to  literacy.  Percentage  of  talent  in  music,  art,  sci 
ence,  etc.  Pioneer  qualities. 

Relation  of  illiteracy  to  crime. 

Favorite  phrases  and  expressions.  Characteristic  gram 
matical,  and  rhetorical  and  logical  and  observational  errors. 


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